audácia de os E.U.:vacila de esperança

fonte:Palestine Chronicle


US Audacity of Hope Falters



Peace negotiations can resume while Israeli bulldozers demolish Palestinian homes.

By Ramzy Baroud

The US has decided to be 'flexible' regarding its once touted call for a total Israeli freeze on the expansion of its occupied territories' settlements, all illegal under international law.

A senior official spoke to reporters on condition of anonymity on August 27. “It was more important that the scope of a settlement freeze was acceptable to the Israelis and the Palestinians than to the United States,” Reuters reported, citing the senior official. This means that peace negotiations can resume while Israeli bulldozers are carving up Palestinian land, demolishing homes and cutting down trees.

It also means that the Israeli rejection of the only US demand, which has thus far defined President Barack Obama’s relations to the Middle East conflict, has prevailed over the supposed American persistence. In other words, the US has officially succumbed to Israeli and pro-Israeli pressures, in Tel Aviv and Washington.

Those not familiar with the connotation of certain terminology in this conflict may not appreciate what it truly means that the US will no longer demand an Israeli halt of the ‘natural growth’ of its settlements, especially in the occupied Jerusalem area where tens of thousands of Palestinians are vulnerable to Israeli ethnic cleansing. Families like the Hanoun and Ghawi family have been evicted from their homes and thrown out on the street before sunrise. “The police came for them at dawn on a Sunday, heavily armed, wearing helmets and riot shields as they broke down the metal doors of the houses and dragged the two Palestinian families out onto the streets,” reported the Guardian on August 24.

The heart-wrenching episodes of innocent people being thrown into the street for no fault of their own, only for the need to make room for more Jewish inhabitants took place before TV cameras and barely required more than a few words of bashful disapproval. That was in fact a political message, sent by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to the US administration and anyone else who dares to question US settlement policy. It took place when Obama’s call for settlement freeze was at its pinnacle. Now, just imagine how Israel will behave, now that the US’s lonely demand is officially retracted. The rightwing Israeli government will likely expedite its settlement program to preclude any future demands for freeze. Many more Hanouns and Ghawis, and their children, will find themselves on the pavement for simply not being Jews, even if they are the rightful owners of the land.

The Israeli logic, however, is uncompromisingly clear. Two weeks before the evictions took place, Netanyahu addressed his cabinet, saying that Jerusalem (including occupied East Jerusalem) is "the capital of the Jewish people and of the state of Israel" and that "our sovereignty over it cannot be challenged." He continued, "We cannot accept the idea that Jews will not have the right to live and purchase in all parts of Jerusalem."

Aside from her unusually ‘harsh’ statement that the evictions were “deeply regrettable”, US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton had no answer to the Jerusalemite families pleading for their stolen homes. And now this, more American flexibility.

While Palestinians, and those who support and sympathize with their rightful struggle, are accustomed to Israel’s belligerent violations of international and humanitarian law, and direct and indirect US support of Israeli behavior, many had the ‘audacity’ to hope that things might change under the new US presidency. Obama’s speech in Cairo, despite its many flaws, was seen as a promising sign that the US will play a more conducive role in finding a just solution to the conflict and the ongoing tragedy of the Palestinians. It was thought that Obama was planning to start simple, by merely demanding a freeze of the settlement expansion. It’s anything but demanding full rights for Palestinians, or even allowing cement, food and medicine to starving Gaza, but it’s a start, nonetheless.

And as Palestinians, Israelis, the entire region and world media awaited the outcome of the Obama-Netanyahu battle of wills, Israel carried out all sorts of harms, that also went unnoticed.

Externally, Israel capitalized on the supposed US pressure, to place counter pressure on the US to impose dilapidating sanctions on Iran, provide a timeline for the end of diplomacy aimed at diffusing the hyped tension over Iran’s nuclear program, and more. That too was the message that Netanyahu carried with him to the meeting with US Middle East envoy George Mitchell in London, last week.

Still, Israel expected more, demanding - with the blessing of the US - Arab normalization with Israel, in reciprocation for the never actualized willingness to temporarily halt the expansion of settlements. Mitchell was too of the opinion that “Arab states (should) offer some gestures toward normalization of ties with Israel,” according to Reuters.

Internally, things took a dramatic turn for the worse. It started with a bill in the Israeli Knesset (parliament) that would jail Arabs who would commemorate the Palestinian Nakba or Catastrophe of 1948, which saw the expulsion of nearly 800,000 Palestinians from their land. Then, there was the new law that enforces the replacement of Arabic lettering on road signs referring to various locations with their Hebrew equivalent, even if these locations have been known by their Arabic names for millennia. These are neither the first nor the last of such fascist roles aimed at denying any trace of a Palestinian (Muslim or Christian) identity to co-exist along with the exclusively ‘Jewish character’ of Israel.

But that, and much more, was taking place as Palestinians and hopeful others held their breath, waiting for Obama to deliver, until the most recent expression of American flexibility. Now, Palestinians are left with one of two options: to continue to subscribe to the illusion that the US is capable, or even willing to rein in Israel’s transgression and exact justice and human rights on their behalf, or to cleanse their midst of self-seeking and corrupt leaders, unify their ranks and continue their struggle for an uncompromisingly free and independent Palestine.

- Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an author of several books and editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His work has been published in many newspapers, journals and anthologies around the world. His latest book is, "The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People's Struggle" (Pluto Press, London), and his forthcoming book is, “My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story” (Pluto Press, London), which is now available for pre-orders at Amazon.

o que os palestinos precisam

fonte:Palestine Chronicle

What we Palestinians need



Adopt the slogan of the freedom fighters of South Africa: Freedom in our lifetime!

By Dr. Mustafa Barghouti

Irrespective of what political settlement is ultimately embraced, Palestinians need a unified strategy for confronting and overcoming Israeli racism, apartheid and oppression.

Palestinians have only two choices before them: 1) either to continue to evade the struggle, as some have been trying to do, or 2) to summon the collective national resolve to engage in it.

The latter option does not necessarily entail a call to arms. Clearly Israel has the overwhelming advantage in this respect in both conventional and unconventional (nuclear) weapons. Just as obviously, neighboring Arab countries have neither the will nor ability to go the military route. However, the inability to wage war does not automatically mean surrender and eschewing other means to wage struggle.

As powerful as it is militarily, Israel has two major weak points. Firstly, it cannot impose political solutions by force of arms on a people determined to sustain a campaign of resistance. This has been amply demonstrated in two full-scale wars against Lebanon and, most recently, in the assault against Gaza. Secondly, the longer the Palestinians have remained steadfast, and the greater the role the demographic factor has come to play in the conflict, the more clearly Israel has emerged as an apartheid system hostile to peace. If the ethnic cleansing of 1948 and the colonialist expansionism describe the circumstances surrounding the birth of the Israeli state, the recent bills regarding the declaration of allegiance to a Jewish state and prohibiting the Palestinian commemoration of the nakba more explicitly underscore its essential racist character.

Ironically, just as Israel has attained the peak in its drive to fragment the Palestinian people, with geographical divides between those in Israel and those abroad, between Jerusalem and the West Bank and the West Bank and Gaza, and between one governorate and the next in the West Bank by means of ring-roads, walls and barriers, Palestinians have become reunified in their hardship and in the challenges that confront them.

Regardless of whether or not they bear Israeli citizenship, or whether they are residents of Jerusalem, the West Bank or Gaza, they all share the plight of being victims of Israel's systematic discrimination and apartheid order.

If the only alternative to evading the struggle is to engage in it in order to resolve it, we must affirm that our national liberation movement is still alive. We must affirm, secondly, that political and diplomatic action is a fundamental part of managing the conflict, as opposed to an alternative to it. In fact, we must elevate it to our primary means for exposing the true nature of Israel, isolating it politically and pressing for international sanctions against it.

In this context, we must caution against the theory of building state institutions under the occupation. An administration whose security services would be consuming 35 per cent of the public budget, that would be acting as the occupation's policeman while furthering Netanyahu's scheme for economic normalization as a substitute for a political solution, is clearly geared to promote the acclimatization to the status quo, not change. Building Palestinian governing institutions and promoting genuine economic development must occur within the framework of a philosophy of "resistance development". Such a philosophy is founded on the dual principles of: 1) supporting the people's power to withstand the hardships of the occupation, and 2) reducing dependency on foreign funding and foreign aid. The strategic aim of the Palestinian struggle, under this philosophy, must be to "make the costs of the Israeli occupation and its apartheid system so great as to be unsustainable".

If we agree on this course for conducting the struggle, then the next step is to adopt a unified national strategy founded upon four pillars:

Resistance

In all its forms, resistance is an internationally sanctioned right of the Palestinian people. Under this strategy, however, it must resume a peaceful, mass grassroots character that will serve to revive the culture of collective activism among all sectors of the Palestinian people and, hence, to keep the struggle from becoming the preserve or monopoly of small cliques and to promote its growing impetus and momentum. Models for this type of resistance already exist. Of particular note is the brave and persistent campaign against the Separation Wall, which has spread across several towns and villages, offered five lives to the cause, and become increasingly adamant. The resistance by the people of East Jerusalem and Silwan against Israeli home demolitions and the drive to Judaise the city presents another heroic model. Yet a third promising example is to be found it the movement to boycott Israeli goods and to encourage the consumption of locally produced products. In addition to preventing the occupation power from milking the profits from marketing locally produced products, this form of resistance can engage the broadest swath of the population, from old to young and men and women, and revive the culture and spirit of communal collaboration. The campaigns to break the blockade against Gaza, as exemplified by the protest ships, the supply caravans and the pressures on Israel to lift its economic stranglehold, are another major type of resistance.

Supporting National Steadfastness

The importance of this pillar is its focus on strengthening the demographic power of the Palestinian people so as to transform their millions into an effective grassroots force. It entails meeting their essential needs to enable them to remain steadfast in their struggle, and developing Palestinian human resources as the foundation for a strong and independent Palestinian economy. However, in order to achieve these aims the Palestinian Authority (PA) economic plan and budget must be altered in a way that pits their weight behind development in education, health, agriculture and culture, as opposed to squandering a third of the budget on security. For example, the passage and immediate implementation of the bill for the national higher education fund would serve the educational needs of hundreds of thousands of young adults. In addition to elevating and developing the standards of university education, it would also work to sustain the impact of development aid and eventually reduce reliance on foreign support. The fund would also alleviate the school tuition burdens on more than 150,000 families, put an end to nepotism in the handling of student study grants and loans, and provide equal opportunity for academic advancement to all young men and women regardless of their financial circumstances. Equally innovative and dynamic ideas could be applied to other areas of education, or to stimulating the fields of public health, agriculture and culture with the overall aim of developing the educated, innovative and effective modern human resources needed to meet Palestinian needs as autonomously as possible and, hence, capable of weathering enormous pressures.

National Unity and a Unified National Leadership

This strategic aim entails estructuring the Palestine Liberation Organization on a more demographically representative basis and putting into effect agreements that have been previously reached in the Palestinian national dialogues held in Cairo. Over the past few years, the thrust of Israel's greatest advantage and the thrust of its assault centered around the Palestinian rift and the weakness of the disunited Palestinian leadership. In order to redress this flaw, the Palestinians must adopt a new mentality and approach. Specifically, they must: relinquish the mentality and practice of vying for power over an illusory governing authority that is still under the thumb of the occupation, whether in the West Bank or in Gaza; give up the illusion that Palestinian military might, however great it might become, is capable of leading the Palestinian struggle alone; adopt democracy and pluralistic democratic activities and processes as a mode of life, self-government, peaceful decision-making, and the only acceptable means to resolve our differences and disputes; resist all outside pressures and attempts (particularly on the part of Israel) to intervene in our internal affairs and to tamper with the Palestinian popular will. There must be a firm and unshakeable conviction in Palestinians' right to independent national self-determination.

The most difficult task that we face today is creating a unified leadership and strategy binding on all, from which no political or military decisions will depart, and within which framework no single group or party has a monopoly on the decision-making processes. Only with a unified leadership and strategy will we be able to fight the blockade as one, instead of evading unity for fear of the blockade. With a unified leadership and strategy we will able to seize the reins of initiative from others, as opposed to spinning from one reaction to the other, and we will be able to focus our energies on asserting our unified will instead of squandering them in internal power struggles in which the various parties seek outside assistance to strengthen their hand against their opponents on the inside. Only then will we be able to shift the equations that subordinated the national liberation movement to the narrow concerns of the PA (both in the West Bank and Gaza) and turn the PA into an instrument in the service of the national liberation movement.

Enhancing Pro-Palestinian Solidarity

That such a movement already exists and is steadily growing is heartening. However, it will take enormous efforts to organize it and coordinate its activities properly so as to ensure it has the greatest possible influence upon decision-makers, especially in Europe and the West. Palestinian, Arab and Muslim communities will need to be orchestrated towards the realization of the same goals. If the solidarity movement has scored significant successes with the organization of a boycott of Israeli products, the decision by the Federation of British Universities to boycott Israeli academics, and the decision taken by Hampshire College and some US churches to refuse to invest in Israel, much work has yet to be done to expand the scope of such activities and build up the momentum of the solidarity movement. The Palestinian plight, which Nelson Mandela has described as the foremost challenge to the international humanitarian conscience, strongly resembles the state of South Africa at the outset to the 1980s. It took years of a concerted unified drive before the South African liberation movement finally succeeded in bringing around governments to their cause. The tipping point came when major companies realized that the economic costs of dealing with the apartheid regime in Pretoria were unsustainable. In the Palestinian case, the success of an international solidarity movement is contingent upon three major factors: 1) The first is careful organization and detailed planning, a high degree of discipline and tight coordination; 2) Second is a rational, civilized rhetoric that refuses to play into Israel's tactics of provocation; and, 3) The third is to address and recruit progressive movements and peoples in societies abroad, including anti-Zionist Jews and Jews opposed to Israeli policies.

None of the foregoing is new, by any means. However, these ideas have yet to be put into practice. The logical springboard for this is to operate on the principle that while the Palestinian cause is a Palestinian, Arab and Muslim one, it is above all a humanitarian cause that cries out to all in the world who cherish humanitarian principles and values. The success of the freedom fighters of South Africa, the anti-Vietnam war movement, and the campaigners for the independence of India stemmed primarily from their ability to forge a universal appeal. And this is precisely what we must do. Our mottos for the solidarity movement with the Palestinian people must be "the fight against the new apartheid and systematic racism" and "the fight for justice and the right to freedom." The International Court of Justice's ruling on the Separation Wall, the illegality of Jewish settlements and altering the face of Jerusalem is a valuable legal precedent that official Palestinian governing institutions have ignored for four years. This ruling should now become our platform for a drive to impose sanctions against Israel, just as the UN resolution against the occupation of Namibia proved a platform for mounting a campaign against the apartheid system in South Africa.

The four-pronged strategy outlined above, which is espoused by the Palestinian National Initiative Movement, can succeed if it is guided by a clear vision, patience, and systematic persistence. I do not expect that it win the approval of all. The interests of some combined with their sense of frustration and despair have deadened their desire to engage in or to continue the confrontation with Israel. We also have to acknowledge that certain sectors of Palestinian society have become so dependent upon interim arrangements and projects and the attendant finances as to put paid to the possibility of their contributing to the fight for real change. Yet, the proposed comprehensive strategy does respond to and represent the interests of the vast majority of the Palestinian people and holds the promise of a better future.

The Palestinian national struggle has so far passed through two major phases: the first steered by Palestinians abroad while ignoring the role of Palestinians at home, and the second steered by Palestinians at home while ignoring the role of Palestinians abroad. Today we find ourselves at the threshold of a third phase, which should combine the struggle at home and the campaign of Palestinians and their sympathizers abroad.

In closing I would like to address the subject of a one-state or a two-state solution. It is both theoretically and practically valid to raise this subject here for two reasons. First, Israel has consistently tried to undermine the prospect of Palestinian statehood by pressing for such formulas as home rule, or an interim state, or a state without real sovereignty. Second, the changes produced on the ground by Israeli settlements and ring roads have come to render the realization of a viable state unrealizable. To some, especially Palestinians in the Diaspora, replacing the call for a one-state solution with calling for a "two-state solution" seems to offer a remedy that gives relief. It is a better remedy, without a doubt, but it is a long way from offering relief. Slogans do not end liberation struggles. Slogans without strategies and efforts to back them up remain nothing but idle wishes or, to some, a noble way to avoid responsibility and the work that goes with it.

Now, let us be clear here. Israel has been working around the clock to destroy the option of an independent Palestinian state on the ground and, hence, the two-state solution. But that does not leave the Palestinian people without an alternative, as some Zionist leaders undoubtedly hope. The single democratic state (not the single bi-national state) in which all citizens are equal in rights and duties regardless of their religious affiliations and their origins is an alternative to the attempt to force the Palestinians to accept slavery under occupation and an apartheid order in the form of a feeble autonomous government that is dubbed a state.

However, whether the aim is a truly independent sovereign state or a single democratic state, both of which Israel dismisses with equal vehemence, neither of these aims can be achieved without exposing and destroying the apartheid system. This requires a strategy. Therefore, instead of allowing ourselves to become divided prematurely over whether to go for the one-state or two-state solution, let us unify behind the common aim required to achieve either: the formulation and implementation of a strategy to fight the occupation, apartheid and racial discrimination. This will lead us to something that is absolutely necessary at this stage, which is to move from the world of slogans to the world of practical activism in accordance with viable strategic plans that mobilize demonstrators against the wall, intellectuals and politicians and other sectors of society. It is high time we realize that diplomatic endeavors and negotiations do not free us from the nuts and bolts of actual struggle. We have one road that leads to a single goal: the freedom of the Palestinian people. There is nothing nobler than to follow this road to its end. This is not a project for some point in the future; it is one that cannot wait. Indeed, we should probably adopt the slogan of the freedom fighters of South Africa: "Freedom in our lifetime!"

- Mustafa Barghouthi, a doctor and a member of the Palestinian parliament, was a candidate for president in 2005. He is secretary-general of the Palestinian National Initiative, a political party. This article was contributed to PalestineChronicle.com. (Originally published in the Los Angeles Times – www.latimes.com - May 18, 2009.)

O show de horrores de “Bogie", por Uri Avnery

fonte:Forum Palestina


(Texto publicado em 22 de Agosto de 2009)

O MEU primeiro pensamento foi: Meu Deus, esse homem foi o responsável pela vida dos nossos soldados!

O segundo pensamento foi: Qual é a grande surpresa? Sempre soubeste o tipo de pessoa que ele era! Afinal, durante os seus anos como chefe do Estado-Maior das Forças Armadas, apoiou discretamente, a criação de postos avançados “ilegais" de colonatos por toda a Cisjordânia!

O terceiro pensamento: E esta pessoa é agora vice-primeiro-ministro e membro do "Sexteto" - os seis ministros que constituem o verdadeiro governo de Israel.

A OCASIÃO para estes pensamentos assustadores foi a participação de Moshe ("Bogie") Ya'alon numa reunião da Jewish Leadership Faction [uma facção de extrema direita dentro do partido Likud]., onde afirmou:

"O “Paz Agora” é um vírus", e não só eles. "Todos os meios de comunicação social" são também um vírus. Eles influenciam o discurso público "de uma forma distorcida, de uma forma enganadora". O vírus também inclui a "elite" em geral.

Além disso, os “políticos" são os culpados. "De cada vez que os políticos trazem a pomba da paz, nós, o exército, temos que limpar depois disso."

Resumindo: "Os judeus têm o direito de residir em qualquer lugar e por todo o Eretz Israel." E se isso perturba os americanos, Ya'alon tem uma resposta pronta: "Não tenho medo dos americanos!"

Tudo isso foi dito alguns dias depois de Ya'alon ter feito uma visita bem divulgado pelos territórios ocupados, acompanhado pelo líder do Shas, Eli Yishai e vários outros ministros de extrema-direita.

Este grupo visitou os postos avançados dos colonatos, que o governo israelita prometera desmantelar, aos norte-americanos, há muito tempo e manifestou total oposição à sua evacuação.

Eles concluíram a sua visita em Homesh, o colonato da Cisjordânia evacuado por Ariel Sharon, no decurso da “separação " onde Ya'alon exigiu a reinstalação do colonato.

ESTES SONS compõem numa melodia assustadora, uma melodia que conhecemos muito bem. É o hino do fascismo.

Primeiro: o termo "elite". No jargão da extrema-direita israelita, isso inclui todos aqueles que odeiam: os intelectuais, as universidades, os políticos liberais, o Supremo Tribunal, os meios de comunicação.

O termo tem suas raízes no verbo latino "eligere", escolher, o que significa o melhor, o seleccionado. Como esta é uma matéria indefinida, o termo pode ser aplicado a diferentes alvos.

Quando os demagogos se dirigem às massas judaicas orientais, "a elite" claramente consiste nos Ashkenazis que governam o país.

Ao abordar a comunidade religiosa, "a elite" consiste no secular, no ateu, que são estranhos à Tradição Judaica.

Ao abordar os imigrantes russos, "a elite" consiste nos israelitas já de idade e estabelecidos, os nativos, que obstruem o caminho dos novos imigrantes.

Quando alguém junta tudo isto, surge uma imagem de "eles" e "nós".

"Eles" - um punhado de arrogantes veteranos, que ocupam todas as posições-chave no estado, e "nós" - as pessoas simples, honestas, os patriotas, os guardiões da tradição, os discriminados, os oprimidos.

Cada grupo fascista no mundo considera esta visão da "elite".

(Não importa que Ya'alon, como a maioria dos outros demagogos, pertença, ele próprio, à elite. Ele nasceu no país, um Ashkenazi de ascendência ucraniana. O seu nome original era Smilansky. Ainda é oficialmente um dos membro de um "kibutz” elitista e pertence ao super-privilegiado corpo dos oficiais superiores.)

Segundo: Os traidores. Existe um inimigo interno. Que não é menos perigoso do que um inimigo estrangeiro, na verdade, muito mais perigoso. Quando Ya'alon fala sobre o “Paz Agora”, ele abrange todo o campo da paz, os liberais e a parte secular da sociedade. Essa é a Quinta Coluna, o cavalo de Tróia dentro dos muros. Eles têm de ser eliminados, antes que se possa lutar contra o inimigo estrangeiro.

Terceiro: Os políticos ". Os demagogos são, naturalmente, eles próprios políticos, mas excluem-se. Ya'alon pinta um retrato dos "políticos" que trazem uma nojenta pomba da paz, cujos excrementos, o exército tem que limpar.

O velhaco, planeando, políticos covardes de um lado, o límpido, heróico, o exército fiel, do outro - que é uma imagem muito familiar.

O exemplo mais conhecido era corrente na Alemanha após a Primeira Guerra Mundial.

A lenda da "facada nas costas" foi um trampolim para o poder para Adolf Hitler: o exército alemão enfrentando corajosamente o inimigo e tendo a vitória à vista, quando "os políticos ", os judeus, os socialistas e os outros “criminosos de Novembro" [referência aos apoiantes da República de Weimar proclamada em 1918] enfiaram uma faca nas costas dos heróicos combatentes.

A pomba da paz deixa suas fezes e os soldados são obrigados a limpar a sujeira da paz.

E também: "Todos os meios de comunicação". Esta é uma das marcas do fascismo em Israel e por todo o mundo. A mídia é sempre "de esquerda", "anti-nacionalista", são os meios de comunicação "hostis". Os jornalistas e empresas de radiodifusão são uma liga secreta de detractores de Israel, que espalham mentiras e distorcem a realidade a fim de minar o moral nacional, difamar o exército, denegrir os nossos valores nacionais e dar conforto ao inimigo.

A realidade é, naturalmente, muito, muito diferente.

A mídia israelita repete servilmente a propaganda oficial em todas as questões nacionais e de segurança e é conformista ao mais elevado grau.

Não há um único jornal de esquerda no país. A maioria dos correspondentes políticos repetem como papagaios as declarações de "fontes oficiais", quase todos os correspondentes de assuntos árabes são ex-agentes dos serviços de informação do Exército, e quase todos os correspondentes militares servem como porta-vozes não-oficiais das Forças Armadas.

Nas páginas de notícias e nos programas de notícias, a terminologia direitista reina suprema. Mas porque em questões menos importantes os meios de comunicação criticam o governo, como eles têm o dever de o fazer numa sociedade democrática, é fácil de retratá-los como "de esquerda" e subversivos. O mesmo é verdade para a universidade.

E finalmente: O "vírus". A descrição dos adversários políticos como agentes infecciosos ou parasitas nojentos é uma das mais características distintivas da extrema-direita. É suficiente lembrar o filme do Dr. Joseph Goebbels "O judeu eterno", em que os judeus eram mostrados como ratos propagando da doença.

E se juntarmos todas estas características - o ódio à "elite", a glorificação do exército, o desprezo para com "os políticos", a demonização do campo da paz, a incitamento contra os meios de comunicação - é a feia cara do fascismo que emerge. Aqui em Israel e por todo o mundo.

NÃO MENOS importantes são o contexto e a audiência.

Ya'alon falou numa reunião da “Jewish Leadership Faction”.

Este é um grupo de ultra-ultra-direitistas, que entrou no Likud, com o objectivo declarado de o conquistar a partir de dentro. É dirigido por Moshe Feiglin e os seus seguidores são geralmente chamados de "Feiglins".

Na véspera das últimas eleições, Binyamin Netanyahu fez um esforço final, utilizando meios legítimos [kosher no original] e não-tão-kosher, para remover Feiglin da lista de candidatos do Likud. Ele estava determinado em evitar que o Likud, fosse apresentado como um partido de extrema-direita.

O principal concorrente do Likud, o Kadima, definia-se como um partido do centro ou da direita moderada e tentou a todo o custo empurrar Netanyahu para a direita. Netanyahu pensou que expulsando os Feiglins poderia neutralizar este ataque.

A questão é se este era o seu único objectivo. Se assim for, porquê que elevou Benny Begin, uma pessoa que personifica a extrema-direita, a um lugar de destaque na lista? E porquê que inscreveu [no Likud] e abraçou Moshe Ya'alon, que já era conhecido como uma pessoa com uma visão de extrema-direita? Esse abraço custou muito caro, uma vez que, no final, o Kadima, contra todas as expectativas, ganhou mais um lugar do que o Likud.

Mas Netanyahu, um político nato, tinha mais do que um objectivo em mente. Ele tinha medo que Feiglin poderia, um dia, vir a ameaçar a manutenção da sua liderança do Likud. Para evitar esta possibilidade, ele negou a Feiglin um assento no Knesset.

E aqui chega Ya'alon, o protegido mimado de Netanyahu, e junta-se a Feiglin, justamente a ele. Como diz o ditado hebraico, a andorinha foi visitar o corvo. Mas não está bem claro quem é a andorinha e que é o corvo. Está Feiglin a usar Ya'alon - ou é Ya'alon que pretende usar Feiglin, a fim de se posicionar como o líder de um grande campo da extrema-direita.

É PRECISO também prestar atenção a declaração de Ya'alon de que "eu não tenho medo dos americanos". Os americanos exigem o congelamento dos colonatos? Para o inferno com eles! Quem eles pensam que são? Que, esses Goyim [não-judeus] estão nos dando ordens? Barack Obama quer nos dizer onde podemos instalar e onde não podemos?

Essa é outra característica do fascismo israelita emergente: a disponibilidade para encetar um confronto aberto com os Estados Unidos e, especialmente, com o presidente Obama.

Já está em pleno andamento uma campanha israelita contra "Barack Saddam Hussein", o Novo Hitler.

A direita americana e a direita israelita facilmente encontram uma linguagem comum.

Uma mulher israelita nos E.U.A. está dirigindo uma campanha bem publicitada para provar que Obama não nasceu nos E.U.A., que o seu pai nunca foi um cidadão E.U.A., e que em consequência deve ser expulso da Casa Branca.

Tudo isto roça a loucura. Israel está dependente dos E.U.A. para praticamente tudo: assistência económica, armamento, cooperação nos serviços de informação, apoio diplomático, como o de veto no Conselho de Segurança. Netanyahu está tentando evitar um confronto, usando todos os truques para enganar e desviar as atenções. E aqui vem Ya'alon & Co. e apelam para uma revolta aberta contra o E.U.A.!

Há método nesta loucura. O sistema educacional israelita glorifica os zelotes, que há cerca de 1940 anos atrás declararam guerra ao Império Romano. Os zelotes tornaram-se os líderes da comunidade judaica na Palestina e iniciaram uma revolta que não teve nenhuma chance de sucesso. Os rebeldes foram derrotados, Jerusalém foi destruída e o Templo queimado até às fundações.

O SHOW DE HORRORES DE “BOGIE” tem implicações mais amplas.

Ele apresenta uma imagem de um grupo de extremistas loucos desafiando o moderado e responsável Netanyahu.

Netanyahu acena a Obama e ao seu povo: Help! Se me pressionam sobre o congelamento dos colonatos e o desmantelamento dos postos avançados, será o meu fim! O meu governo cairá, e terão de lidar com os malucos!

Isto seria mais convincente, se Netanyahu tivesse usado a sua prerrogativa legal e demitisse Ya'alon do governo, mesmo pensando que representava um risco político.

Em vez disso, "Bibi" convocou "Bogie", como um diretor que chama um menino e que lhe ordena que escreva uma centena de vezes "Eu vou ser um bom menino".

Assim Ya'alon permanece Vice-Primeiro-Ministro, Ministro Encarregado dos Assuntos Estratégicos e membro do sexteto de Ministros (os outros são Avigdor Lieberman, Benny Begin, Eli Yishai, Dan Meridor e Binyamin Netanyahu).

Sendo assim, Netanyahu não pode fugir à responsabilidade por tudo o que Ya'alon faz e diz.

Amigos!!

fonte:Palestine Chronicle

o envolvimento de Israel na repressão das Honduras e da América Latina

fonte:Stop the Wall


Detengan la implicación israelí en la represión del pueblo Hondureño y latinoamericano.
Analisis/Articulos, Campaña Popular Palestina contra el Muro de Apartheid, 28 de ago de 2009

Rompan los vínculos militares entre América del Sur e Israel

Declaración con motivo del día de acción global contra el Golpe de Estado en Honduras - 28 de agosto 2009

Desde la campaña palestina contra el Muro de Apartheid, elevamos nuestra voz y nos sumamos a todos aquellos que hoy protestan contra el golpe de Estado en Honduras, la dictadura, y la represión impuestos por el régimen de Micheletti. Como palestinos sabemos que somos parte de la misma lucha que tiene lugar en Honduras.

Todos somos conscientes de que este crimen no habría podido suceder sin el apoyo activo de gobiernos extranjeros.

Varias fuentes indican que no sólo ha intervenido la inteligencia norteamericana, sino también el ejército y la inteligencia israelí. Israel tiene ya una larga historia de apoyo a la represión de los movimientos populares de América del Sur. Desde la Contra nicaragüense a las dictaduras paraguaya, argentina y chilena. Siempre han recibido armas israelíes, servicios secretos y procesos de formación militar. Hoy, Colombia es probablemente el principal receptor de armas israelíes. El líder paramilitar colombiano y traficante de drogas Carlos Castao ha declarado "he aprendido multitud de cosas en Israel y le debo a ese país parte de mi esencia y de todos mis logros militares y políticos"(1).

Teniendo esto presente, no nos sorprende recibir noticias de la implicación israelí en el golpe militar y el derrocamiento de la democracia hondureña. Estamos profundamente preocupados en diferentes niveles por la implicación israelí en el golpe hondureño.

Al mismo tiempo que el continente americano ha aislado al régimen hondureño, el líder del golpe ha anunciado el apoyo israelí que su gobierno recibe. Varios analistas han señalado que en los meses previos al golpe, la Embajada israelí fue testigo de intensos movimientos diplomáticos con representantes de la oposición, incluído Micheletti(2).

CODEH ha denunciado que el régimen de Micheletti ha contratado comandos israelíes para entrenar a las fuerzas hondureñas en el uso de violencia contra los manifestantes, incluyendo los asesinatos selectivos, para instaurar el terror y desmantelar la resistencia. Informan también que compañías de seguridad privadas están implicadas directamente en la represión (3).

Las descripciones realizadas reproducen los mismos patrones de ataque que sufren los palestinos cuando se manifiestan contra el Muro y la ocupación de israelí. Israel desarrolla una guerra de baja intensidad contra las comunidades que resisten contra el Muro, reprimiendo a los pueblos en su conjunto y no sólo a los individuos que habitan en ellos. Esto incluye la represión violenta de manifestaciones, asesinatos selectivos de activistas (casi siempre los responsables de las manifestaciones), el castigo colectivo y el terror psicológico(4).

La experiencia que puede proveer el ejército israelí al régimen hondureño se deriva del asesinato, la represión y la limpieza étnica de los palestinos. Además, los beneficios económicos que Israel extrae de su comercio de armas con América del Sur permite que la industria armamentística se refuerce y mantenga la ocupación y colonización de nuestras tierras.

La implicación israelí en el golpe de Honduras no es mas que la extensión lógica de sus políticas. Para Israel, un Estado colonial construido a partir de la expulsión y represión de la población originaria, el aumento de fuerzas anti-coloniales de carácter emancipatorio en cualquier lugar del mundo, supone una amenaza al paradigma desde el cual ha sido creado. La colaboración israelí con las políticas más conservadoras de los Estados Unidos convierten su implicación en el golpe en una necesidad política.

La implicación israelí en el golpe hondureño alcanza mucho más allá de Honduras, convirtiendo su presencia militar y diplomática en una amenaza para todos los regímenes democráticos del continente. Este golpe no supone sólo una agresión brutal contra el pueblo hondureño sino que sirve como modelo para renovar las agresiones contra el conjunto del continente.

Por eso convocamos a todos los estados democráticos de América del Sur a tomar una posición firme y con principios contra los crímenes israelíes y las violaciones de los derechos humanos en las que están implicados, así como a su implicación histórica y presente en el apoyo a regímenes represivos. Les pedimos:

- Rompan sus relaciones con Israel.
- Expulsen a los asesores militares israelíes y sus empresas de seguridad.
- Cancelen sus compras de armamento israelí.

Las fuerzas democráticas y progresistas así como sus alianzas regionales (ALBA, MERCOSUR) deben adoptar un compromiso firme en defensa de los derechos humanos y la democracia para su región y en todo el planeta. Israel no sólo asesina, tortura y encarcela a los palestinos. Demasiados sudamericanos han sufrido ya debido a los paramilitares entrenados en Israel y han muerto debido a sus armas.

La Campaña Palestina contra el Muro de Apartheid.

(1)http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Israel/Israel_LAmer_TrailTerror.html
(2)http://www.radioguaimaro.co.cu
(3)http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0908/S00051.htm
(4)http://stopthewall.org/activistresources/2019.shtml