Wednesday, 20 May 2009

Quantos prisoes segredos esconde Israel?

Fonte:Palestine Chronicle

How Many Secret Prisons Does Israel Have?



'The Committee Against Torture requested that Israel identify the location of the camp.'

By Jonathan Cook - Nazareth

The United Nation's watchdog on torture has criticized Israel for refusing to allow inspections at a secret prison, dubbed by critics as "Israel's Guantanamo Bay", and demanded to know if more such clandestine detention camps are operating.

In a report published on Friday, the Committee Against Torture requested that Israel identify the location of the camp, officially referred to as “Facility 1391”, and allow access to the International Committee of the Red Cross.

Findings from Israeli human rights groups show that the prison has in the past been used to hold Arab and Muslim prisoners, including Palestinians, and that routine torture and physical abuse were carried out by interrogators.

The UN committee’s panel of 10 independent experts also found credible the submissions from Israeli groups that Palestinian detainees are systematically tortured despite the banning of such practices by the Israeli Supreme Court in 1999.

The existence of Facility 1391 came to light in 2002, when Palestinians were detained there for the first time during Israel’s reinvasion of the West Bank.

In a submission to the UN committee, Israel denied that any prisoners are currently being held at the site, although it admits that several Lebanese were detained there during the attack on Lebanon in 2006.

The committee expressed concern about an Israeli Supreme Court ruling in 2005 that found it “reasonable” for the state not to investigate suspicions of torture at the prison. The panel is believed to be concerned that without inspections the prison might still be in use or could be revived at short notice.

The Israeli court, the committee wrote, “should ensure that all allegations of torture and ill-treatment by detainees in Facility 1391 be impartially investigated [and] the results made public”.

Hamoked, an Israeli human rights organization, first identified the prison after two Palestinian cousins seized in Nablus in 2002 could not be traced by their families. Israeli officials eventually admitted that the pair were being held at a secret site.

Israel still refuses to identify the precise location of the prison, which is inside Israel and about 100km north of Jerusalem. A few buildings are visible, but most of the prison is built underground.

“We only learnt about the prison because the army made the mistake of putting Palestinians there when they ran out of room in Israel’s main prisons,” said Dalia Kerstein, the director of Hamoked.

“The real purpose of the camp is to interrogate prisoners from the Arab and Muslim world, who would be difficult to trace because their families are unlikely to contact Israeli organizations for help.”

Ms. Kerstein said the prison site was an even grosser violation of international law than Guantanamo Bay because it had never been inspected and no one knew what took place there.

According to the testimonies of the Palestinian cousins, Mohammed and Bashar Jadallah, they were held in isolation cells measuring two meters square, with black walls, no windows and a light bulb on 24 hours a day. On the rare occasions they were escorted outside, they had to wear blacked-out goggles.

When Bashar Jadallah, 50, asked where he was, he was told he was “on the moon”.

According to the testimony of Mohammed Jadallah, 23, he was repeatedly beaten, his shackles tightened, he was tied in painful positions to a chair, he was not allowed to go to the toilet and he was prevented from sleeping, with water thrown on him if he nodded off. Interrogators are also reported to have shown him pictures of family members and threatened to harm them.

Although Palestinians passing through the prison were interrogated by the domestic secret police, the Shin Bet, foreign nationals at the prison fall under the responsibility of a special wing of military intelligence known as Unit 504, whose interrogation methods are believed to be much harsher.

Shortly after the prison came to light, a former inmate – Mustafa Dirani, a leader of the Lebanese Shia group Amal – launched a court case in Israel claiming he had been raped by a guard.

Mr. Dirani, seized from Lebanon in 1994, was held in Facility 1391 for eight years along with a Hezbollah leader, Sheikh Abdel Karim Obeid. Israel hoped to extract information from the pair in its search for a missing airman, Ron Arad, downed over Lebanon in 1986.

Mr. Dirani alleged in court that he had been physically abused by a senior army interrogator known as “Major George”, including an incident when he was sodomised with a baton.

The case was dropped in early 2004 when Mr. Dirani was released in a prisoner exchange.

Ms. Kerstein said there was no proof that more prisons existed in Israel like Facility 1391, but some of the testimonies collected from former inmates suggested that they had been held at different secret locations.

She said the concern was that Israel might have been one of the countries that received “extraordinary rendition” flights, in which prisoners captured by the United States were smuggled to other countries for torture.

“If a democracy allows one of these prisons, who is to say that there are not more?” she said.

The committee examined other suspicions of torture involving Israel. It expressed particular concern about Israel’s failure to investigate more than 600 complaints made by detainees against the Shin Bet since the panel’s last hearings, in 2001.

It also highlighted the pressure put on Gazans who needed to enter Israel for medical treatment to turn informer.

Ishai Menuchin, executive director of Israel’s Public Committee against Torture, said his group had sent several submissions to the committee showing that torture was systematically used against detainees.

“After the court decision in 1999, interrogators simply learnt to be more creative in their techniques,” he said.

He added that, since Israel’s redefinition of Gaza as an “enemy state”, some Palestinians seized there were being held as “illegal combatants” rather than “security detainees”.

“In those circumstances, they might qualify for incarceration in secret prisons like Facility 1391.”

- Jonathan Cook is a writer and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel. His latest books are “Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East” (Pluto Press) and “Disappearing Palestine: Israel's Experiments in Human Despair” (Zed Books). He contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com. Contact him at: www.jkcook.net. (A version of this article originally appeared in The National, www.thenational.ae, published in Abu Dhabi.)

Tuesday, 19 May 2009

Regressando ao zona da crime da guerra

fonte:EI


Returning to the scene of a Gaza war crime
Erin Cunningham, The Electronic Intifada, 19 May 2009

Looking to rebuild in Khuzaa. (Erin Cunningham)

KHUZAA, occupied Gaza Strip (IPS) - Khuzaa is a small farming village perched on a gentle slope east of Khan Younis. Its fertile farmland once produced fruit and vegetables for export to Israel, whose own lush plains are just 500 meters from Khuzaa's center, and are visible through the town's narrow streets.

But the relative quiet of this rural border town, about 25 kilometers southeast of Gaza City, was shattered 10 January when Israeli forces launched an all-out, three-day assault that killed 16 civilians and destroyed many of Khuzaa's houses and its agricultural land.

Perilously close to the border with Israel, Khuzaa was the only place outside of the cities in Gaza's north -- which were effectively severed from central and southern Gaza by Israeli troops 5 January -- to suffer a full-blown ground invasion during Israel's three-week assault that ended 18 January.

Four months later, international human rights organizations are accusing Israel of committing war crimes in Khuzaa. Its residents continue to live with frequent military incursions and the daily threat of gunfire from Israeli watchtowers on the border.

"This assault was the worst thing to ever happen to us," says Khuzaa's mayor, Abu Ayman. "It is worse than when the village was divided in 1948."

Khuzaa saw little fighting in the first two weeks of the attacks. But on 10 January, a barrage of white phosphorus shells landed deep into residential areas, locals and a March report by Human Rights Watch say.

The next two days saw an onslaught of rockets and missiles fired from fighter jets, unmanned drones and Apache helicopters -- a precursor to a ground invasion of tanks, bulldozers and soldiers at midnight 13 January.

The men and boys of the village were blindfolded and detained in a massive hole dug by Israeli bulldozers, locals say. Terrified residents whose homes were bulldozed or occupied by the Israeli military fled to the safety of an open courtyard at Khuzaa's center.

"Many of the villagers who were taking refuge in the courtyard had moved there from the outer parts of Khuzaa because of the previous attacks," Amnesty International's head researcher for Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Donatella Rovera, told IPS on telephone from London.

"These attacks happened where they thought they would be safe," Rovera said.

When the courtyard where villagers had taken refuge also came under attack -- an Israeli bulldozer began to demolish one of the courtyard walls, locals say -- Rawhiyya al-Najjar, a female resident of Khuzaa, decided they had no choice but to evacuate.

Carrying a white flag, Rawhiyya led a group of women and children out of the compound and into the village in the early hours of 13 January, according to residents and human rights groups.

She was shot in the head with a single bullet, independent testimonies confirm, and took 12 hours to die after a medic who tried to reach her also came under fire from Israeli forces.

Rovera says that Rawhiyya's murder, the reckless use of white phosphorus, and systematic destruction of homes by the Israeli military in Khuzaa constitute war crimes.

"The patterns of attacks as they happened in Khuzaa are consistent with the broader patterns throughout the war, which constitute grave breaches of international law, including war crimes," Rovera told IPS.

Rawhiyya's brother and Khuzaa's local head of relief services, Yusuf al-Najjar, says some 130 homes and thousands of trees were destroyed in the three-day assault.

"The bulldozing of homes and of farmland suggests very strongly a type of collective punishment against the residents of Khuzaa," Rovera says.

Because low-level clashes between Palestinian fighters and Israeli troops took place on the outskirts of Khuzaa, Rovera says, the destruction of homes by Israel's military appeared to be a "settling of scores."

"This is not the type of action that was taken in military necessity," Rovera says. "The clashes were over."

Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits the punishment of people not directly involved in the original act of aggression.

Israeli military officials have so far failed to address the nature of operations undertaken in Khuzaa, Rovera says.

Since Israel's withdrawal from the village and its declaration of unilateral ceasefire 18 January, Khuzaa's residents have continued to live under the threat of constant gunfire and military incursions into their territory.

At least two people have died as a result of Israeli gunfire in Khuzaa since the formal end of operations, and seven have been injured.

On 13 May, local media reported Israeli troops and military vehicles approached the outskirts of the village, but that there were no casualties.

"After we have our dinner, everyone just goes to sleep," says Yusuf al-Najjar, as an unmanned Israeli drone whines above the village. "No one dares step outside after dark. Israeli soldiers still come into our village every night, and we can't do anything but be afraid."

Many of those displaced in the fighting refuse to return to their land near Israel's border, after Israel unilaterally expanded the extent of Khuzaa's farmland it is using as a "buffer-zone" between itself and the coastal territory.

Prior to the war, local farmers say the buffer-zone made up approximately 200 meters of land inside Khuzaa. Now, it appears the Israeli army has closed off as much as 700 meters of Khuzaa's land, forbidding farmers from tending to or harvesting their crops. Village residents only discover an area is "closed" after they are shot at.

Because Khuzaa, like the rest of Gaza, has received no funding to rebuild, Yusuf al-Najjar is using his own money to persuade residents to return to the village and reclaim their land.

Jaber Khalil Ghadeyah, a farmer who has peach and apple groves stretching all the way to the Israeli border, is the only one who has accepted the offer so far -- and Yusuf is paying for his new irrigation system.

Ghadeyah says he certain Khuzaa will see another war, but that he will never leave the land he has lived on for 30 years.

"If the Israelis come and destroy our village, we will rebuild," says Yusuf. "And if they come again, we will rebuild again."

All rights reserved, IPS -- Inter Press Service (2009).

Entre os mortos em Gaza

fonte:EI

Living amongst the dead in Gaza
Eman Mohammed writing from Gaza City, occupied Gaza Strip, Live from Palestine, 19 May 2009

Four-year-old Mahmoud does his homework atop a grave in the al-Sheikh Shaban cemetery. (Eman Mohammed)

The scene of Mahmoud Jilu, four years old, rolling his ball with friends doesn't seem weird at all until you see where he is playing. Mahmoud runs after the ball into a backyard full of graves forming the cemetery where his family has lived since they can remember.

The six-member Jilu family are all jammed together in a tiny house with one bedroom and a small space for the kitchen with a tomb next to it. For Afaf Jilu, 30 years old, the mother of three boys and one girl, it's not the surrounding view of graves that upsets her the most but the cramped environment that forces her to live in one room with her husband and four kids.

"Not having privacy is what makes this life unbearable," Afaf said. "When I try to sleep, my children want to watch TV and they are only kids. I can't make it worse for them by denying them what they want to."

Afaf added, "I keep reminding myself that we'll get our own house once the economic situation in the country is better and then I can plant lots of trees around the house instead of having a cemetery strangle us from all around. We all hang on our small dreams that we have in mind to achieve. That's the best thing we learned from living here; the more we see people dying, leaving their dreams behind, the more we hold on to ours. It's the only way to break through!"

For 13-year-old Muhammad, the equation is different since he never brings any of his friends over to play or study, because of his feeling of being the "odd one out" since he lives in a cemetery. "My friends aren't familiar with the idea of living between dead people. It can be used to make a silly joke and not just a reality of life. Sometimes I feel ashamed of this place," he said.

Afaf Jilu in her family's kitchen. (Eman Mohammed)

Sixteen-year-old Nour disagrees with her brother since she feels free to invite her friends from school to her "one-of-a-kind" house. "I don't get a hard time from girls at school because of where I live. It's such a superficial thing to do -- only kids think that way. They respect me for who I am and not because of where I live. Plus, many families lost their houses recently after they were destroyed in the war and they aren't ashamed, so why should I be?" Nour said she dreams someday to go college and become a nurse. She said she wants to work with patients in hospitals and to be called an "angel of mercy."

Suhail Jilu, 43, works as a taxi driver and is the breadwinner for the family. His family has been living in al-Sheikh Shaban cemetery in the middle of Gaza City since 1948, when they were expelled from their lands in Jaffa by Zionist forces. He works two jobs, and also helps with the funerals occasionally held near his home in order to save enough money for a new house. Suhail recently received an official warning from the authorities to evacuate his home because it is located on government lands.

He explained in a desperate tone, "Who would want such a life for himself and his kids? Both the situation and the government are down our throats! As if we have any other options!"

Suhail added, "We have dreams to look forward to and a different kind of life away from death and misery. Our situation wasn't any better than others during the last war; in fact it was worse, dealing with death with the funerals all day every day. Nothing could be more harmful to my children's mental health than this."

Like others in Gaza, the Jilu family has been struggling with the dire economic situation due to the Israeli siege. In spite of their desperate attempts to leave the cemetery, they haven't been able to move out of their house. The Jilus are still caught in the middle between being evicted and having no alternative home, and the suffocating, increasing number of graves all around them. Living amongst the dead is a bitter reality for souls dreaming of a better life.

Eman Mohammed is a Jordanian-Palestinian freelance photojournalist and reporter based in the Gaza Strip since 2005.

Desafio.....

fonte:Jezebel



Up In Arms

[Hebron, May 18. Image via Getty]

An Israeli soldier keeps guard near a Palestinian woman standing by a Star of David graffiti sprayed by Israeli settlers near an army checkpoint in the centre of the occupied West Bank city of Hebron on May 18, 2009 during a visit by a delegation of ultra-nationalist Israeli MPs protesting against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's promotion of the easing of restrictions on Palestinians. Netanyahu will have first face to face meeting with President Barack Obama amid divisions over Middle East peacemaking and Iran's nuclear ambitions. The hawkish premier, who wants a 'fresh' approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, will unveil in the White House meeting on May 18 his long-awaited policy for regional peace focused on countering Iran, aides said. AFP PHOTO / MENAHEM KAHANA (Photo credit should read MENAHEM KAHANA/AFP/Getty Images)

Israel tarta da Cisjordania como seu despejo do lixo

fonte:EI


Israel treats West Bank as its garbage dump
Mel Frykberg, The Electronic Intifada, 18 May 2009

RAMALLAH, occupied West Bank (IPS) - Israel has found a cheap and easy way to get rid of its waste, much of it hazardous: dump it into the West Bank. A few Palestinians can be bought, the rest are in no position to complain.

"Israel has been dumping waste, including hazardous and toxic waste, into the West Bank for years as a cheaper and easier alternative to processing it properly in Israel at appropriate hazardous waste management sites," Palestinian Environmental Authority (PEA) deputy director Jamil Mtoor told IPS.

Shuqbah, a village of 5,000, lies near the border of Israel and the West Bank, not far from Ramallah. Israeli companies have been using land owned by a Palestinian middleman in the village to dump tons of garbage for as little as 30 dollars per ton, significantly cheaper than dumping it at Israeli waste sites.

"For several years Israeli companies have been dumping solid and hazardous waste there," Mtoor told IPS. "The subsequent burning of toxic waste including items such as x-ray films releases carcinogens into the environment, and this has affected the population, with many people developing asthma and related illnesses."

The Israelis earlier buried the carcasses of thousands of chickens infected with the avian flu virus near Nablus in the northern West Bank, said Mtoor. The PEA also uncovered 500 barrels of insecticide in Hebron in the southern West Bank. Again, a Palestinian middleman had been paid off to accept the barrels on his property.

While the PA has arrested the individuals involved, and is taking legal action against a number of them, it is difficult to bring Palestinians cooperating with Israeli dumping companies to book.

"The Israelis are taking advantage of extremely poor individuals with large families to support and with limited sources of income, in a society with high rates of unemployment," said Mtoor.

Israel exerts complete control over more than 40 percent of the West Bank. The territory is divided into Areas A, B and C. Only Area A falls under PA control. Area B falls under Israeli and limited Palestinian jurisdiction, while Area C is controlled by Israel.

"Many of the Palestinian middlemen are protected by the Israelis. If we wish to pursue them we have to obtain the requisite Israeli permits to enter Areas B and C, and these are often refused or take a long time to get," says Mtoor.

"Furthermore, it is hard to monitor the numerous dumping sites used by Israel because the dumping is done both overtly and covertly, sometimes during the night. The locations used vary, and the Israelis cover up the sites afterwards."

Israel's illegal settlements regularly dump garbage and discharge wastewater into West Bank rivers and streams.

The Applied Research Institute Jerusalem (ARIJ) says in a report that "wastewater from the settlements is not restricted to domestic effluent but includes pesticides, asbestos, batteries, cement and aluminum -- which contain carcinogenic and hazardous compounds."

As Israel expropriates approximately 87 percent of the West Bank's underground aquifer, with 2.5 million Palestinians surviving on the remainder, this poses a threat to the health both of Israelis and Palestinians.

"Israeli settlers consume up to 200 liters of water daily per individual while Palestinians in the West Bank survive on 30-60 liters per individual daily," Mtoor told IPS.

Friends of the Earth Middle East (FoEME), a joint Israeli, Palestinian and Jordanian environment group, released an investigative report several years ago called A Seeping Time Bomb, Pollution of the Mountain Aquifer by Solid Waste.

According to FoEME's report, unsustainable disposal of solid waste has resulted in the percolation of toxic substances including chloride, arsenic and heavy metals such as cadmium, mercury and lead into the groundwater.

"The threat to the drinking water remains to this day," FoEME spokeswoman Miri Epstein told IPS.

Israeli companies producing potentially hazardous products have relocated from within Israel's internationally-recognized boundary to the Occupied Palestinian Territories to avoid the strict environmental laws that control operations within Israel.

Israeli pesticides company Geshuri was forced to close operations in Kfar Sava in Israel in 1985, and relocated to Tulkarem in the northern West Bank. This followed a court order on a petition by Israeli residents who blamed the company for an increase in pollution-related health issues.

The international community and non-governmental organizations have tried to improve the situation. The German government has built a new solid waste disposal project near Ramallah, while the World Bank and the European Commission, the executive arm of the EU, built a solid waste landfill facility near Jenin in the northern West Bank.

"We have the sympathy of the international community but the situation will not be resolved until there is a political resolution to the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict," said Mtoor.

The joint Israeli Palestinian Environmental Experts Committee, established under the Oslo Accords, has not met since 1999, and so any coordination on solid waste is ad hoc.

Gaza now faces environmental disaster following Israel's devastating war on the coastal territory earlier this year which killed 1,400 Palestinians, most of them civilian, and wounded nearly 5,000.

"The environmental situation in the Gaza Strip is extremely serious and it is our priority to investigate the environmental challenges and rehabilitation priorities," Achim Steiner, UN Under-Secretary General and Executive Director of the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) told IPS.

Steiner concluded a tour of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank recently during which he met with Palestinian officials and UN staff to assess the situation in both Palestinian enclaves -- the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.

UNEP will be sending a team of eight experts to Gaza this month to examine, amongst other things, the environmental fallout of Israel's use of illegal weapons such as white phosphorous.

The team comprises specialists in water and wastewater management, asbestos and hazardous waste monitoring, coastal and marine environmental assessment, and in institutional and economic evaluation.

"The situation prior to the war was already serious due to Gaza's inadequate infrastructure and the inability to repair waste and water treatment plants," Achim told IPS. And now it is far worse.

Israel's embargo has blocked supplies of construction material needed to repair Gaza's decimated infrastructure, and of sufficient quantities of fuel needed to run water and waste treatment plants.

"Hazardous waste and hospital waste is lying untreated. Untreated sewage has been pumped out to sea and permeated Gaza's underground water and drinking supplies, creating a potential health threat," said Steiner.

The Israeli military has more than 600 checkpoints and roadblocks situated throughout the West Bank, severely impacting movement there, and making it hard for wastewater tankers to reach many villages and towns.

"Due to the extensive closures and roadblocks in the West Bank, Palestinians don't have sufficient access to waste sites or the ability to treat waste properly," Steiner told IPS.

All rights reserved, IPS -- Inter Press Service (2009).
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