Saturday, 21 February 2009

A semana do boicott.20/02

fonte:EI



Organize for boycott Israel day of action
Appeal, Secretariat of the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions National Committee, 19 February 2009

In December 2008, Israel decided to mark the 60th anniversary of its existence the same way it had established itself -- perpetrating massacres against the Palestinian people. In 23 days, Israel killed more than 1,300 and injured at least 5,000 Palestinians in Gaza. The irony of history is that Israel targeted those Palestinians -- and their descendants -- whom it had expelled from their homes and pushed into refugeehood in Gaza in 1948, whose land it has stolen, whom it has oppressed since 1967 by means of a brutal military occupation, and whom it had tried to starve into submission by means of a criminal blockade of food, fuel and electricity in the 18 months preceding the military assault. We cannot wait for Israel to zero in on its next objective. Palestine has today become the test of our indispensable morality and our common humanity.

We therefore call on all to unite our different capacities and struggles in a Global Day of Action in Solidarity with the Palestinian people and for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) against Israel on 30 March 2009.

The mobilization coincides with the Palestinian Land Day, the annual commemoration of the 1976 Israeli massacre of Palestinians in the Galilee in struggle against massive land expropriation, and forms part of the Global Week of Action against the Crises and War from 28 March 28 to 4 April.

We urge the people and their organizations around the globe to mobilize in concrete and visible boycott, divestment, sanctions (BDS) actions to make this day a historic step in this new anti-apartheid movementand for the fulfilment of the rights and dignity of the people and the accountability of the powerful. In our 30 March BDS actions, we will particularly focus on:

  • Boycotts and divestment from Israeli corporations and international corporations that sustain Israeli apartheid and occupation.
  • Legal action to end Israel's impunity and prosecute its war criminals through national court cases and international tribunals.
  • Cancelling and blocking free trade and other preferential agreements with Israel and imposing an arms embargo as the first steps towards fully fledged sanctions against Israel.

The time for the world to fully adopt and implement the Palestinian call for boycotts, divestment and sanctions is now. This campaign has to become an urgent part of every struggle for justice and humanity, by adopting widespread action against Israeli products, companies, academic and cultural institutions, sports groups, international corporations supporting Israeli policies of racism, ethnic cleansing and military occupation and pressuring governments for sanctions. It must be sustained until Israel provides free access to Gaza, dismantles the Apartheid Wall and ends its occupation and colonization of all Arab lands; recognizes the right of the Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; and respects, protects and promotes the rights of the Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties.

The Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC) includes: Council of National and Islamic Forces in Palestine; General Union of Palestinian Workers; Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions; Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations' Network (PNGO); Federation of Independent Trade Unions; Union of Palestinian Charitable Organizations; Global Palestine Right of Return Coalition; Occupied Palestine and Golan Heights Advocacy Initiative (OPGAI); General Union of Palestinian Women; Palestinian Farmers Union (PFU); Grassroots Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign (STW); Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI); National Committee to Commemorate the Nakba; Civic Coalition for the Defense of Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem (CCDPRJ); Coalition for Jerusalem; and Palestinian Economic Monitor.

Friday, 20 February 2009

carta aberta.........20/02

fonte:Counterpunch


To the President of the State of Israel and the Director of the Yad Vashem Memorial

Remove Our Grandmother's Name from the Wall at Yad Vashem

By MICHAEL NEUMANN
and OSHA NEUMANN

Following the example of Jean-Moise Braitberg, we ask that our grandmother's name be removed from the wall at Yad Vashem. Her name is Gertrud Neumann. Your records state that she was born in Kattowitz on June 6, 1875 and died in Theresienstadt.

M. Braitberg delivers his request with excellent reasons and eloquent personal testimony. His words are inspiring, but they give you – and those who stand with you - too much credit. I will instead be brief. Please take this as an expression of my disgust and contempt for your state and all it represents.

Our grandmother was a victim of that very ideal of ethnic sovereignty in whose cause Israel has shed so much blood for so long. I was among the many Jews who thought nothing of embracing that ideal, despite the sufferings it had inflicted on our own race. It took thousands of Palestinian lives before, finally, I realized how foolish we had been.

Our complicity was despicable. I do not believe that the Jewish people, in whose name you have committed so many crimes with such outrageous complacency, can ever rid itself of the shame you have brought upon us. Nazi propaganda, for all its calumnies, never disgraced and corrupted the Jews; you have succeeded in this. You haven't the courage to take responsibility for your own sadistic acts: with unparalleled insolence, you set yourself up as spokesmen for an entire race, as if our very existence endorsed your conduct. And you blacken our names not only by your acts, but by the lies, the coy evasions, the smirking arrogance and the infantile self-righteousness with which you embroider our history.

In the end, you will give the Palestinians some scrap of a state. You will never pay for your crimes and you will continue to preen yourself, to bask in your illusions of moral ascendancy. But between now and the end, you will kill and kill and kill, gaining nothing by your spoilt-brat brutality. In life, our grandmother suffered enough. Stop making her a party to this horror in her death.

Michael Neumann

I join my brother, Michael Neumann, in asking that any reference to our grandmother be removed from Yad Vashem, the Holocaust memorial.

I have been to this memorial. Its buildings, paved courtyards and plazas spread themselves authoritatively over many landscaped acres. It frames the Holocaust as a prelude to the creation of the state of Israel. It embalms memorabilia of the death camps and preserves them as national treasures. That treasure does not belong to Israel. It is a treasure only if it serves as a reminder never to permit any nation to claim an exemption for its chosen people from the bounds of morality and decency.

Israel has twisted the Holocaust into an excuse for perpetrating more holocausts. It has spent the treasure of the world's sympathy for the victims of the Holocaust on a fruitless effort to shield itself from all criticism as it massacres and tortures Palestinians and suffocates them under a brutal occupation. I do not wish to have the memory of my grandmother enlisted in this misbegotten project.

I grew up believing that Jews were that ethnic group whose historical mission was to transcend ethnicity in a united front against Fascism. To be Jewish was to be anti-Fascist. Israel long ago woke me from my dogmatic slumber about the immutable relationship of Jews to Fascists. It has engineered a merger between the image of Jewish torturers and war criminals and that of emaciated concentration camp victims. I find this merger obscene. I want no part of it. You have forfeited the right to be the custodian of my grandmother’s memory. I do not wish Yad Vashem to be her memorial.

Osha Neumann

The Braitberg letter, in French can be found at
http://www.lemonde.fr/opinions/article/2009/01/28/effacez-le-nom-de-mon-grand-pere-a-yad-vashem_1147635_3232.html

and the translaton here:
http://www.bilin-village.org/english/articles/different-look/Erase-my-grandfather-s-name-at-Yad-Vashem

Michael Neumann is a professor of philosophy at a Canadian university. He is the author of What's Left: Radical Politics and the Radical Psyche and The Case Against Israel. He also contributed the essay, "What is Anti-Semitism", to CounterPunch's book, The Politics of Anti-Semitism. He can be reached at mneumann@live.com

Osha Neumann is a defense lawyer in Berkeley and author of Up Against the Wall MotherF**ker: a Memoir of the 60s with Notes for Next Time.

Peres e a solução de um estado.20/02

fonte:Palestine Chronicle


Fearing One State Solution, Peres Serves Pabulum to Washington




'Peres (L) has participated in shaping the policies of Israel for most of its existence.'

By Franklin Lamb - Ain el Helwe Palestinian Refugee Camp, Lebanon

"Whatever will happen in the future, we shall not repeat the mistakes we made in leaving Gaza." - Shimon Peres to members of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, 2/18/09.

"You take my water. Burn my Olive Trees. Destroy my house. Take my job. Steal my Land. Imprison my Mother. Bomb my country. Starve us all. Humiliate us all. But I am to blame: I shot a rocket back". - Sign carried near Hyde Park Corner during a demonstration in London on 2/15/09 by a Member of the British Parliament.

Israeli President Shimon Peres has participated in shaping the policies of Israel for most of its existence. His Washington Post Op-Ed last week billed as 'a peacepartners prod' to the Obama administration, evidences a major disconnect within the government of Israel concerning what is urgently required for that country's increasingly unlikely long-term survival.

According to a CIA study currently being shown to selected staff members on the US Senate Intelligence Committee and the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, Israel's survival in its present form beyond the next 20 years is doubtful.

The Report predicts "an inexorable movement away from a Two State to a One State solution, as the most viable model based on democratic principles of full equality that sheds the looming specter of colonial Apartheid while allowing for the return of the 1947/1948 and 1967 refugees. The latter being the precondition for sustainable peace in the region."

To President Peres' chagrin, the Executive Summary states that "during the next fifteen years more than two million Israelis, including some 500,000 Israeli citizens who currently hold US green cards or passports will move to the United States. Most Israelis not in possession of these documents will receive 'expedited waivers'. The Report claims that "Alongside a decline in Jewish births and a rise in Palestinian fertility, approximately 1.6 million Israelis are likely to return to their forefather's lands in Russia and Eastern and Western Europe with scores of thousands electing to stay, depending on the nature of the transition."

In his Washington Post Op-ed piece President Peres desperately attempts to salvage a two state solution from a one, a three or even a four 'state' arrangement. He appears to realize that a two state solution is seriously jeopardized unless Israel dramatically and quickly changes course. With the tacking to the right in Israel and the likely make up of the next government once Peres selects Livni or Netanyahu in the next few days, and given the swelling mood among the occupied in favor of another Intifada, Peres plaintively asserts to the Obama administration that "a two states is the only realistic solution".

Peres instructed the American people and their government three times in his Op-Ed brief for a two state solution, that Israel is "the land of my forefathers'. He laments that the CIA predicted One State Solution would "Undermine Israel's legitimacy and the internationally recognized right to exist as a sovereign Jewish state in the land of my forefathers."

Peres knows that his forefathers had no connection whatsoever to Palestine as is the case with more than 95% of the Zionists who swept into the area over the past century and demolished close to 600 villages while expelling a majority of the native population. Historians have established that most arriving Jews were in fact Slavic converts to Judaism without any historical or genealogical nexus to Palestine or Hebrew tribes in the area.

Against the historical backdrop of the past century of nearly global rejection of colonialism, his claim of settled international acceptance of "Israel's legitimacy" is a major stretch. "Legitimacy" is what the conflict continues to be about-- whether a 19th Century colonial enterprise can violently uproot and massacre an indigenous population taking over a land declaring God promised it to them, as they terrorize and expel the local inhabitants. Contrary to Peres' claim of Israel as a 'legitimate State', there is no internationally recognized right for Israel to exist on stolen land without the consent of the dispossessed. Peres assures his American benefactors that Israel's legitimacy is based "in international law or morality". In point of fact, both International law and morality require the right of return of those whose lands were taken and lifting the brutal occupation. Surely Peres is aware, as the CIA Report asserts, that a majority of the 192 countries which make up the membership of the United Nations would vote this evening to establish one State of Palestine if given the chance.

The Report concludes that what went wrong will be debated for many years. In essence the problem was the premise, that a 'chosen people' with no link or rights to a land could impose a state by force. Many Middle East observers believe that the Two State solution is essentially over, but for the packing, finger pointing and assuredly more violence.

Increasingly repelled by Israeli crimes, the international community is moving toward the majority position of Palestinians and is coming to believe that the realistic solution to the Middle East conflict is one State, secular, multicultural, democratic, and based on one person one vote.

Peres is loath to accept One State and claims, in promoting a two-state solution, that he has "personally witnessed the remarkable progress we have made with the Palestinian Authority in recent years".

Does he AS in mind the increasing bantusization (what Chomsky calls "unviable fragments") the ever snaking apartheid wall and other barriers, the illegal outposts which increased yet again last year? The blockade of and depraved slaughter in Gaza?

Or does President Peres have in mind this week's announcement by outgoing Prime Minister Olmert that Israel has the right to keep building in large West Bank settlement blocs, including Efrat, by adding 423 acres so that 21,000 more residents can join the current 9,000, according to Efrat mayor Oded Revivi? Olmert claims its part of the annexation that will be considered in a future final peace deal with the Palestinians.

President Peres, has passed nearly a lifetime devoted to undermining prospects for a viable Palestinian state and offering a wink and nod to the building of more than 430 colonies while offering lip service to the 'peace process'. His 'Message to the American People' fails to communicate what the Israeli and Palestinian public knows well about the real nature of the Two State option he has in mind and which he considers to be "the best resolution to this age-old conflict." Both populations know that the Two State option that long time politician Peres has consistently run on, is the Yigal Allon Plan.

The Allon scheme to expel the Arab population from Palestine has been Peres' electoral platform during his campaigns in 1974, 1977, 1981, 1984, and 1987 and it shaped Israel's settlement policies from 1967-1977. Peres worked to make the Allon Plan part of the 1978 Camp David agreement and 1993 Oslo Accords.

As the American public begins to stir from its long slumber on the Question of Palestine and hopefully dramatically changes its Middle East policy, it should consider that the Peres favored 'moderate' Allon Plan continues to be Israeli policy. As formulated by its author and adhered to by successive Israel governments, it contains the following "moderate" elements:

- seeking "maximum land with minimum Arabs;"
- annexing approximately 40% of the West Bank and Gaza, taking the choicest parts;
- dispossessing Palestinians from land Israel wants for Jews.

After Israel's attack in 1967, Allon presented to the cabinet a solution to the Arab problem. The Allon Plan called for annexing the following areas: "a strip of land ten to fifteen kilometers wide along the Jordan River; most of the Judean desert along the Dead Sea; and a substantial area around Greater Jerusalem, including the Latrun salient." The plan was crafted to include as few Arabs as possible in the area claimed for Israel and included building permanent colonies and army bases in these areas.

The two state solution that Peres is trying to sell the American public and administration is a Palestinian 'state' in 76.6% of the West Bank, carved up into sealed enclaves, with the largest of the 430 plus settlements/colonies remaining in place under Israeli sovereignty. Israel would take another 13.3% outright and continue to occupy the remaining 10.1% for a period of up to thirty years. During this period Israel would continue building new and expanding current settlement/colonies. The above percentages do not include the subtracted East Jerusalem and the territorial waters of the Dead Sea. In point of fact the 76% offer is based not on 100% of the occupied territories, but merely those parts that Israel was willing to discuss. Consequently, the "just and moral solution" President Peres favors would amount to slightly less than 16% of historic Palestine being given to those driven from their homes and land.

Peres claims Israel has worked tirelessly for peace. Yet the record is clear that Israel has only worked tirelessly for expansion at the expense of the indigenous Arab population while obstructing more than two dozen 'peace initiatives' over six decades, while targeting the Palestinian people, culture, and economy.

Peres claims in his Op Ed that Libyan leader Qadaffi agrees with Israel it deserves Palestine and that "this is salient in his fundamental and central premise that the Jewish people want and deserve their homeland." Peres takes Qadaffis' words out of contest and misrepresents his thesis which in fact calls for one State shared by both peoples. Qadaffi insists that the Middle East welcomes Judaism but not racist Zionism. It is the latter which underpins the founding of Israel and which has led to history's condemnation..

As the President of Israel seeks yet more indulgence and largesse from the American taxpayers and the Obama administration, there is something he can do to shore up waning trust and waxing disillusionment with the two state option. He can announce immediately that he fully accepts UN Security Council Resolution 242 and advocates the removal of all settlements and the total withdrawal of the Israeli military from the West Bank and Gaza.

Israel's President urges the American people and government to, "commit our most concerted effort to allow two states to flourish." Unless he and his fellow leaders of Israel are prepared, without further delay, to commit to a complete withdrawal to the June 4, 1967 armistice line, in a serious effort at peace, Israel will continue to lose American and International support and One State is the likely future for Palestine.

Israeli President Peres can avert his eyes from reality, but the Obama administration and the American people cannot afford this fatal delusion.

- Franklin Lamb is doing research in Lebanon. He contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com. Contact him at: fplamb@sabrashatila.org.

Milhares de sem abrigo em Gazan.19/02

fonte:EI

Thousands of Gazans remain homeless
Report, The Electronic Intifada, 18 February 2009

Azza Abed Rabu with her neice and four-year-old daughter, who sustained serious head wounds during the family's evacuation. She and her family are now living in a tent in the Abed Rabu area of Jabaliya. (Erica Silverman/IRIN)

GAZA CITY, occupied Gaza Strip (IRIN) - Thousands of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip remain homeless after their houses were badly damaged or destroyed during Israel's recent military offensive there.

The Israeli army began with aerial bombardments of the enclave on 27 December and added a ground assault from 3 January. Israel declared a unilateral ceasefire on 18 January while Hamas, the de facto ruling authority in the Strip, declared its own ceasefire later that day.

According to a 16 February report by Save the Children Alliance "at least 100,000 people, including 56,000 children, remain displaced with many continuing to take shelter in tents or crowding into remaining homes with other families, one month since the Gaza ceasefire was declared."

The non-governmental organization estimated that some 500,000 people, including 280,000 children, were forced from their homes at some point during the conflict and added that "tent cities" had sprung up where whole neighborhoods were destroyed. Many tent residents are without access to clean drinking water and toilets, it said.

The tents are small and offer no protection from the low temperatures at night, which can reach below 7-8 degrees Celsius, according to Save the Children UK's chief executive Jasmine Whitbread, speaking from Gaza on 16 February. She said that some camps of up to 40 families share one or two toilets between them, posing health risks.

Most of the tents have been provided by the UN agency for Palestine refugees (UNRWA), UNICEF and other international and local aid organizations.

UNRWA said it had distributed emergency food parcels and non-food items, such as mattresses and blankets, to tens of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza who had been affected by the conflict. This was in addition to UNRWA's regular food distribution to 900,000 refugees in the Strip.

Tented communities

According to UNRWA, tented communities have been set up in densely populated areas that came under fire by Israeli tanks. These are the northern areas of Jabaliya and Beit Lahiya, the Zeitoun area in south Gaza City, Rafah on the southern border with Egypt and around Netzarim, a former Israeli settlement, where Israeli forces constructed a temporary military base during their operation.

Hundreds of tents stand in the Abed Rabu area of Jabaliya.

"Over the past two weeks we have distributed relief to 310 individuals who completely lost their homes and to 310 whose homes were damaged," said Fadi (he declined to give his family name), a volunteer with Islamic Foundation, a local NGO that supports Hamas, as he put emergency water and food supplies into packs in a tent.

The parcels contained soap, potatoes, flour, milk and a protein supplement provided by the Hamas government. The Red Crescent delivered the water supplies and UNRWA the blankets and mattresses, Fadi said.

"The Israeli troops bulldozed my home to enter the area with tanks," said Azza Abed Rabu, 27, while clutching her four-year-old daughter, who she said sustained serious head wounds during the family's evacuation. "We have narrow streets; they [Israeli forces] were searching for tunnels beneath the homes."

Thirty Abed Rabu family members are sheltering in two tents.

At least 4,000 homes were destroyed and about 17,000 badly damaged, according to a recent UN Gaza flash appeal, while 50,000 residents took shelter in UNRWA facilities during the height of the conflict and tens of thousands took refuge with family and friends.

A UNDP-led survey of damaged and destroyed housing throughout Gaza conducted immediately following the ceasefire found the greatest destruction in the two northern governorates of north Gaza, where 1,436 houses were completely destroyed, and Gaza governorate, where 752 houses were completely destroyed.

UNRWA estimates that an average of $4,000 will be needed to repair each housing unit.

As of 5 February, the Gaza health ministry said the Palestinian death toll from the three-week conflict had reached 1,440, including 431 children and 114 women. Some 5,380 were injured, including 1,872 children and 800 women, according to the ministry.

This item comes to you via IRIN, a UN humanitarian news and information service, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations or its agencies. All IRIN material may be reposted or reprinted free-of-charge; refer to the copyright page for conditions of use. IRIN is a project of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

El genocidio y sus fantasmas.19/02

El genocidio y sus fantasmas

Como ahora en Gaza, los políticos europeos se escudaron en el "todos son igualmente culpables" para no hacer nada ante el cerco de Sarajevo y la matanza de Srebrenica. Se repite la misma musiquilla analgésica


JUAN GOYTISOLO 19/02/2009


En un artículo aparecido en este periódico (La nueva trama de Sarajevo, 18-10-2008), Beatriz Portinari examinaba la actual narrativa de la ex Federación Yugoslava escrita por autores que vivieron las guerras en los distintos Estados que componían aquélla o que, oriundos de ellos, escogieron el exilio europeo o norteamericano y permanecen en él después de los paticojos acuerdos de Dayton, la independencia de Montenegro y de Kosovo, la muerte de Milosevic en La Haya y la captura de Karadzic. Antes del funesto Memorándum de la Academia de Ciencias de Belgrado y del discurso de Milosevic en el Campo de los Mirlos, la literatura yugoslava conocida fuera de las fronteras de la ex federación se reducía a un par de nombres: el Nobel Ivo Andric y Danilo Kis. Sin descartar los méritos y pasajes inolvidables del primero, la obra de Kis, judío de Voivodina -esto es, de una provincia periférica de Serbia, poblada de diferentes etnias-, refleja antes y mejor que nadie, en razón de su singularidad cultural y artística, la tragedia que se gestaba: su narrativa no cabe en los límites de la llamada literatura balcánica, pertenece, como la de Kundera, al núcleo de la gran literatura europea de la segunda mitad de la pasada centuria. El desencanto, la amargura y el humor negro respecto al nacionalismo patriótico y al relato heroico de la Gran Serbia desmonta avant la lettre la retórica de Dobrica Cocik y demás paladines intelectuales de la siniestra limpieza étnica.

Como dice el escritor montenegrino Marko Vesovic, profesor en la Universidad de Sarajevo, a Isabel Núñez en sus Conversaciones en torno a la guerra de los Balcanes, sobre el núcleo de intelectuales serbios que alimentaron la retórica ultranacionalista de Milosevic, "probablemente ésta sea la única guerra de la historia plantada y dirigida por escritores". La única no, pero sí la más sangrienta y de efectos perdurables. La implosión de la ex Yugoslavia afectó especialmente a aquellos ciudadanos de la misma que no encajaban en ningún casillero étnico ni tribal, como el propio Vesovic ("Estoy viviendo en un país donde no existo. Estaba luchando por un país que ya no existe, que luchaba para que no lo fragmentaran y lo han hecho pedazos") o la sarajevita Ferida Durakovic ("No fue una guerra entre grupos étnicos distintos, sino entre nacionalistas retrógrados y gente que creía en otra forma de vida, más libre, abierta y tolerante").

Para Ozren Kebo, autor del conmovedor Bienvenue en enfer. Sarajevo, mode d'emploi, "Bosnia fue vendida y traicionada por la Unión Europea. (...) ¿Qué hicieron sus políticos para evitar la matanza? ¡Nada! Se sentaron a contemplar el genocidio y pronunciaron discursos huecos sobre la igualdad de culpas (de las partes implicadas). (...) Pero, según datos de la ONU, el 90% de los crímenes de guerra fueron perpetrados por las fuerzas serbias, el 7% por los croatas y el 3% por los bosnios". El resumen de lo acaecido entre abril 1992 y setiembre 1995 es exacto (¿habría durado el asedio de Sarajevo 42 meses si los asediadores hubieran sido musulmanes -laicos y democráticos- y los asediados cristianos?), y coincido con Kebo en que, fuera de las minorías ultranacionalistas de Belgrado y Zagreb, la guerra no respondía a un odio interétnico: éste se originó a causa de ella. La convivencia multiétnica de Sarajevo, defendida por el Gobierno bosnio, fue una víctima más del cerco. Como pude comprobar en mis recientes visitas a la ciudad, las distintas comunidades que componen su población tienden a vivir replegadas en sí mismas, y el voto municipal del pasado otoño confirmó mis temores: los partidos nacionalistas serbios, croatas y bosnio-musulmanes se afianzaron en sus correspondientes feudos de la República Sparska y de la Federación Bosnio-croata mientras que los partidos multiétnicos, como el Partido Socialdemócrata, retrocedían.

Si las cosas han mejorado en Croacia desde la muerte de Tudjman -lamento tan sólo la desaparición del Ferald Tribune, el equivalente demócrata del Oslobodenje sarajevista-, las entrevistas de Isabel Núñez a varios escritores serbios reflejan las contradicciones dolorosas de una sociedad traumatizada por los desastres del conflicto y la aceptación acrítica de una buena parte de ella del discurso del odio de Milosevic y de sus asesores mitológicos. Mientras algunos reducen el conflicto a una "guerra de vecinos", como lo fue en bastantes pueblos de la Península durante la Guerra Civil española -"fulano no iba a misa, votó republicano"-, Slavenka Drakulic, de origen croata, apunta al odio patriarcal y rural de la ex Yugoslavia a las mujeres modernas y libres de los núcleos urbanos -como dijeron cuatro acusados de crímenes de guerra en el enclave musulmán de Foca, ellos no habían matado a nadie, "sólo habían violado" a varias mujeres, algo que les parecía natural y no constitutivo por consiguiente de delito alguno-, o el silencio y el negacionismo, tanto serbio como croata, de las tropelías y matanzas cometidas por el propio bando. Con mayor ironía y humor, Dusan Velickovic (Amor Mundi, Ed. Del Bronce, 2003) escribe: "Un bombardeo es el momento idóneo para poner en orden mi biblioteca". Como apostilla Isabel Núñez, "en Sarajevo, durante el asedio, muchos usaban los libros para calentarse ante la falta de electricidad en el duro invierno balcánico y elegían qué libros quemar primero y qué libros conservar a toda costa, convirtiendo el drama en un sistema de prioridades literarias".

La entrevista más significativa del libro quizá sea la de Miroslav Toholj, novelista y editor del bardo-psiquiatra-genocida-curandero practicante de medicina alternativa, Radovan Karadzic. Toholj, ex ministro de Información de la República Sparska, tras descalificar la prejuiciada visión exterior de la guerra y exculparse de su participación en ella, afirma rotundamente que "su amigo es uno de los mejores poetas, no sólo de poetas serbios de Bosnia, sino de toda Yugoslavia". Ésta no era en modo alguno la opinión del crítico sarajevita que me entrevistó en un sótano en enero de 1994: según él, el criminal de guerra actualmente detenido en La Haya era un mero perpetrador de versos facilotes que, despechado con él por su opinión negativa de los mismos, bombardeó con saña con su artillería el piso del edificio en el que residía y del que tuvo que huir de estampía al comienzo mismo del cerco.

Lamento únicamente que un libro tan oportuno como el de Isabel Núñez no haya recogido la opinión de quienes más sufrieron el asedio y lucharon con sus plumas contra él, como el poeta Abdulá Sidran ("lo único que se puede escribir hoy en Sarajevo es una crónica necrológica"), Zladko Dizdarovic (periodista de Oslobodenje, en el que publicaba su Diario de guerra), Asaf Dzanic (editor y traductor, comandante de la Armiya mientras duró el sitio), Nezad Ibrisimovic (novelista superviviente del destruido e incomunicado barrio de Dobrinja): como me dijo en 1995, él no quemó sus libros para calentarse, pero se sirvió de ellos para cubrir los huecos abiertos en las paredes de su domicilio por la artillería de Karadzic. Sus testimonios hubieran enriquecido el abanico de puntos de vista recogidos en el libro.

No conozco toda la bibliografía documentada por Beatriz Portinari en el ya citado artículo, pero entre las obras que comenta yo escogería, por su valor literario, La cuestión de Bruno de Aleksandar Hemon (Anagrama) y, sobre todo, Sarajevo. Diario de un éxodo y Sara y Serafina de Dzevad Karahasan (Galaxia Gutenberg / Círculo de Lectores). La huella fecunda de Danilo Kis es visible en ambos.

En el plano estrictamente testimonial, resulta sobrecogedora la lectura de Postales desde la tumba, de Emir Suljevic (Galaxia Gutenberg / Círculo de Lectores). Su descripción del exterminio de Srebrenica en julio 1995 entronca con la mejor literatura de los sobrevivientes del genocidio nazi: "Entre mi supervivencia y su muerte (la de ocho mil y pico varones musulmanes fríamente asesinados por Mladic) no hay ninguna diferencia porque permanezco vivo en un mundo que está marcado para siempre, de forma indeleble, por su muerte".

Evocaré, para concluir -aures habent et non audient- el vergonzoso silencio cómplice de Unprofor, Unión Europea y Naciones Unidas respecto a este genocidio, oculto por espacio de ¡45 días! a los medios informativos, pese al hecho de tratarse de la mayor matanza acaecida en Europa desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El primer testimonio de ella, una entrevista con un fugitivo de la misma que alcanzó la capital bosnia y se reponía de su traumática odisea en el hospital sarajevita de Kosovo, fue publicado con mi firma en EL PAÍS (Cayó sobre nosotros un diluvio de fuego, 24 de agosto 1995). ¿Será necesario recordar a los políticos de la Unión Europea, tan cínicos o impotentes como los de hoy respecto a Gaza, que Srebrenica y Sarajevo eran "enclaves protegidos" por la comunidad internacional? Para oprobio de todos la historia repite, con variaciones sinfónicas, la misma musiquilla analgésica y adormecedora sobre una "tragedia" sin responsable alguno.

Juan Goytisolo es escritor.


fonte:El Pais (obrigado Sonia)

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