Monday, 29 June 2009

Médicos exigem a demissão do Yoram Blachar por causa de seu silêncio sobre a tortura israelita

fonte:The Guardian



Doctors without limits

Hundreds of doctors belonging to World Medical Association are demanding its Israeli president, Dr. Yoram Blachar, be dismissed as Israeli physicians 'form part of a system in which detainees are tortured'


More than 700 doctors from 43 countries have written a letter of protest to their governing ethical body, the World Medical Association, alleging that its recently appointed Israeli president has turned a blind eye to the involvement of medical staff in torture, and calling for his removal.

Dr Yoram Blachar, leader of the Israeli Medical Association since 1995, assumed the helm of the WMA in November. The signatories to the letter, who include senior doctors and professors from the UK, Europe and the US, claim he has failed to answer charges that some Israeli doctors condone or collaborate with a regime that uses torture against Palestinian prisoners.

As long ago as 1996, the letter says, Amnesty International concluded that doctors in Israel working with the security services "formed part of a system in which detainees are tortured, ill-treated and humiliated in ways that place prison medical practice in conflict with medical ethics".

The letter, whose lead signatory is the paediatrician Alan Meyers from the Boston University school of medicine, says Blachar's presidency "makes a mockery of the principles on which the WMA was founded in 1947, which was as a response to egregious abuses by German and Japanese doctors" in the second world war.

The doctors say inaction is not an option. The WMA's 1975 Declaration of Tokyo said "physicians shall not countenance, condone or participate in the practice of torture or other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading procedures, and in all situations, including armed conflict and civil conflict". Two years ago, its annual general assembly explicitly obliged doctors to document cases of torture of which they become aware. "The absence of documenting and denouncing such acts might be considered as a form of tolerance and of non-assistance to the victims," it ruled.

In an email to the Guardian promising a response to the charges, Blachar called them "imaginary allegations which have no grounds whatsoever". He claimed that most who signed the appeal "did not bother to verify the content". No detailed rebuttal was forthcoming, however.

Meyers said Blachar had in effect defended the participation of Israeli physicians in the torture of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. In a letter to the Lancet medical journal in 1997, Blachar wrote: "The guidelines on interrogation recommend that only 'moderate physical pressure' (in accordance with international law, and not unknown in other democratic countries) be sanctioned."

"As you may know," Meyers said, "'moderate physical pressure' – the same formulation employed by the Bush administration in its prisons at Guantánamo Bay and CIA 'black sites' in other countries (and now a subject of heated debate in the US) – includes confining prisoners in stress positions, beatings, isolation, sleep deprivation, extremes of heat and cold, humiliation and other forms of physical and psychological abuse.

"Physician collaboration in such maltreatment is unacceptable, and the defence of such physician participation should disqualify Dr Blachar from any position of leadership within the international physician community."

Meyers, who is Jewish, has campaigned for health and human rights in Israel for a decade, but said any physician in any country who was involved with interrogation techniques of this kind should not be practising medicine. "If they did it in the US, I'd join with anyone else in seeking to have those physicians brought to account," he said.

Further allegations of Israeli doctors' involvement in torture came in a report two years ago from the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel, which gave detailed testimony from nine Palestinian men interrogated between 2004 and 2006. Blachar's critics accuse him of failing to respond to either this report or Amnesty's evidence.

Sir Iain Chalmers, a senior British doctor, editor of the James Lind Library and a co-founder of the Cochrane Collaboration, is one of the signatories to the letter. "Previous appeals to Yoram Blachar himself, in a number of places and from a number of people, to answer factually based allegations of medical complicity in torture have not resulted in any adequate response," he said.

"The issue now is: does the WMA have any credibility as long as it continues to ignore people who are complaining about its acquiescence and support of Dr Blachar and the Israeli Medical Association?

"There have been no satisfactory responses from the IMA to allegations both by Israeli organisations and Amnesty International over the years."

Dr Derek Summerfield, of the Institute of Psychiatry at King's College London, who was the co-ordinator of the letter, said: "The appointment of the long-standing president of the IMA to lead the WMA, which is the world body overseeing medical ethics, which arose out of the abuses of the second world war, just seems to make a mockery of the whole idea that there is an ethical framework for what doctors do and what they don't do."


Sunday, 28 June 2009

Melbourne recusa Connex seguintes a campanha do boicote

fonte:EI


Melbourne dumps Connex following boycott campaign
Press release, Australians for Peace, 28 June 2009

The following press release was issued by Australians for Peace on 25 June 2009:

Connex has been dumped by the Victorian State Government as Melbourne's train system operator. Moammar Mashni of Australians for Palestine said that after four months of campaigning and some 100,000 pamphlets distributed, Palestine advocacy groups can take heart.

"This is the first step in what we hope will become a strong boycotts, divestments and sanctions movement (BDS) in Australia against Israel's apartheid policies," Mashni said. "Our boycott pamphlet asked people to send a detachable petition to Minister Kosky and we understand that thousands have landed on her desk."

The Dump Connex campaign had been run to alert Melbourne's commuters to the unethical agreement that Connex had entered into with Israel. Under the contract, Connex had agreed to operate a public transport service to Jewish settlements that Israel is continuing to build deep inside the occupied West Bank in defiance of international law.

"However," said Mashni, "Connex may be losing on that score as well. Only recently, its parent company Veolia announced that it would be seeking to pull out of its contract with Israel to build the Jerusalem light rail, due to some $7 billion worth of losses. There is no doubt that the BDS campaigns run by Palestine solidarity groups in Europe had a lot to do with that."

These worldwide boycotts have become necessary as Israel continues to ignore calls to halt its illegal settlement expansion in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

"They are," said Mashni, "nonviolent actions that were shown to be most effective in ending apartheid rule in South Africa and Australia can expect to see many more such actions being taken against companies doing business with Israel."

Palestina: o lado humano da tragédia

fonte:Palestine Chronicle


Palestine: Harnessing the Drum Major Instinct


'We Palestinians, we associate ourselves with the phoenix ..'

By Anna Brown

On February 4th, 1968, just about a month before he was assassinated, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. delivered his “Drum Major Instinct” sermon from the pulpit of Ebeneezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia. The “drum major instinct,” according to King, is the desire for “recognition, importance, and attention.” It’s a shorthand way of speaking about the relentless, though perhaps unconscious, desire to “be number one.” While those in the social justice, peacemaking and civil rights movements might assume that King was only addressing the wealthy and the powerful, it would be a mistaken assumption. King, relying upon the psychological studies of Alfred Adler, contends that the desire to “lead the parade,” is a pervasive human tendency.

For King, the “great issue in life is to harness the drum major instinct.” Failure to do so lends itself to a range of debilitating practices, particularly for the nonviolent activist. The unharnessed drum major instinct, for example, fosters a snobbish exclusivity not a welcoming inclusiveness; destructive competition not affirming cooperation; gossip and not meaningful conversation, etc. When properly harnessed, however, the drum major instinct fuels true human greatness: “to be first in love, to be first in moral excellence and to be first in generosity.” Further, there is no “Ph.D.” required for this kind of creative genius; it is a field of study and application open to all. Meditating upon his death, though not knowing how soon that would come to pass, King asked that all of his achievements be forgotten; he simply wanted to be remembered as one who led a life “committed to peace, justice and righteousness.”

During a recent visit to Beit Sahour, a Palestinian town just east of Bethlehem, I met Elise Aghazarian, a young woman professor of sociology at Bethlehem University. In short order, it was quite evident that I was in the presence of someone who, though relatively unknown, embodied the greatness described by King in his sermon. Aghazarian, who is of Armenian and Palestinian descent, spoke to our CODEPINK delegates at a forum sponsored by the Alternative Information Center (AIC). The AIC is a Palestinian-Israeli grassroots organization engaged in the dissemination of information, critical analysis and political advocacy. After the forum, she joined us for lunch.

Aghazarian impressed me with her comportment, intelligence, warmth and passionate interest in her studies. Upon learning of the crushing circumstances forced upon her by the Israeli occupation, I was moved by her resilience and obvious love of life.

This resilience and love of life flowed through the brief talk that she gave at the AIC forum. I have, as much as is possible, reconstructed her talk for those not fortunate enough to have been there upon its hearing and in her presence.

(While Aghazarian spoke, the melodious call of the muezzin, beckoning all to pray—to listen—wafted through an open door, as did the brilliant rays of a mid-morning sun.)

“I would like to give a personal testimony of what it feels like to live under occupation.

“I used to go to Birzeit University every day and look right through the window at so many trees. Looking at the trees and the horizon, I often would feel empowered. I could feel these trees often consoling me on the way. That feeling, in time, started changing. I always looked at the horizon and thought there must be a nice future, nice horizons. There are so many dreams I can not touch. There is so much for the future.

“In time we were obliged to go down from the bus and be searched. So every day we were searched as being potential terrorists, everyday we have to stop on queues, our stuff had to be searched, we had to be searched, everyday we had to hear, ‘You barbaric Arabs, goyim’, or other words. Then there was a sense of solidarity; we were somehow helping each other.

“Gradually there was a one-colored gray wall over there. Every day I would see how the wall was growing up, up, up … We were trying to challenge that, to say ‘No’, to go on demonstrations. We did our best but then one day we were protesting—there is no freedom of opinion—and many people were arrested. We have 11,000 political prisoners

“It’s not easy to live under occupation. I think occupation is the degradation of a person’s humanity. It’s being deprived of your past, it’s being deprived of your dreams; it’s being deprived of your present; it’s being deprived of being able to move. It’s being constantly represented by others. You look at the sky and there are Israeli planes, you look at the land, you see it changing, landscape transformation. You don’t know if tomorrow you will see your friends, if your ID card will be revoked.

“It’s not easy to live under occupation. It’s having to live with many minimal resources and still thanking God that maybe you’re better off than people in other regions and saying maybe tomorrow will be worse than today, so let me just live today because I don’t know what’s going on. It’s not knowing when the Israeli helicopters will come or when the Israeli tanks will come and for whom. It’s not knowing if you are dangerous or not.

“Sometimes you say something simple and you’re viewed as a terrorist. One time I was working on research in Jerusalem and suddenly the Israeli soldiers broke in the office saying we have dangerous documents and we were just doing simple statistics about Jerusalemites.

“It’s not easy to live under occupation and it’s not easy being a woman living under occupation. As a woman you already have your personal challenges and then you have also to deal with society and its social pressures. You have to deal with different dominations of your body by different parties, by different groups, by the occupation. It’s seeing your home being threatened by demolition. It’s challenging, both the social and the political pressure.

“And then trying to find ways to revolt. My friends and I often despair, we feel that we have no hope. But then somehow you find an inner strength, something mysterious, letting you go on. Maybe the social solidarity helps between socially conscious people.

“As a teacher, I look at my students. Last semester, I had a class where there was one girl who was pregnant and she was coming to University every day, challenging her mother, her father-in-law, her husband, leaving her kids at home, crossing a checkpoint, coming from Hebron to Jerusalem just to study. And she wanted to study just because it was her dream. There was one guy who was arrested by the Israeli occupation. He was not simply dealing with the difficulties of being arrested but also his memories of being arrested. Why was he arrested? Because he was distributing brochures of a certain leftist, Marxist persuasion.

“There are people who just tell me of their simple dreams. For example, one student was telling me, ‘My dream is to see the sea. My dream is to see the sea. I want to see Jaffa.’ And they can’t see Jaffa. Other students who are at Bethlehem University are just twenty minutes away from Jerusalem; they just want to see Jerusalem, they just want to see the Dome of the Rock and that’s a very simple ride, they live not very far away. Their parents have seen the Dome of the Rock but they can’t. Why? Because they are so-called ‘West Bankers.’ They know because people from outside come and see the Dome of the Rock and see the Holy Sepulcher, but they can’t.

“So, I think it’s difficult to live under occupation and yet it is special because everyday you feel you have a challenge. I think resistance is the effort to hold onto your humanity because occupation is a degradation of your humanity. So resistance is trying to be human everyday. It’s trying to challenge all the discourses that are around you on different levels. It’s trying to challenge the desperation. Sometimes you fall down but we Palestinians, we associate ourselves with the phoenix. Sometimes we feel we are dead, but then we feel alive again with more power to go on.

“So it’s resistance and it’s connecting to the different people who are resisting even though we can’t sometimes see them. The different people who come in solidarity, like your group. It’s trying to dream, trying to hold on to your daily dreams, despite everything. Even your simple dreams. It’s trying to make the best and think of alternatives everyday. For example, my students, they tell me, ‘Why will we study sociology? Why will we study development? There is nothing, there is no future. Come on, let us admit it’. And I say, but how can we live? How can we make our daily lives better under occupation? How can we look at what is remaining of the existing horizons? How can we look at them and we don’t know what happens tomorrow? But we can try to resist, we can try to be strong despite everything.

“And I hope we will continue to have this solidarity together and with other groups and our solidarity with the people of Gaza that we can’t even reach. Our solidarity with the land that’s being fragmented and our effort constantly to work on changing our social and political system toward the better.”

Over lunch, Aghazarian spoke more specifically of “life under occupation.” She brought many of us to tears when she spoke - with dignity and grace - of the travails she endured when trying to buy some chocolate for her students.

She had been sent by the University to a conference in Italy. Her students, hearing that she would miss a few classes because of a conference, in Europe, asked her to bring them some chocolate. Wanting to honor their request, Aghazarian decided that she would arrive at the airport a bit earlier than normal for her return flight home. This would afford her the time she needed to buy the chocolate. She passed through an initial security check quite easily only to encounter an Israeli security force at a second checkpoint within the airport. After reading her passport, she was asked to follow them, which she did—down four flights of stairs to an underground garage-type area. She was interrogated and told to strip down to her bra and underwear so that her clothing could be checked thoroughly. While her clothing was being examined, she was forced to sit clad only in her undergarments.

After about forty minutes, Aghazarian asked that she be allowed to dress so that she might have time to buy the chocolate for her students and still make her flight home. She was allowed to dress but she was to be accompanied by Israeli security to the Duty-Free shop. Upon arrival to the shop, her security escorts informed the clerk that they would choose the chocolate that Aghazarian would buy. She quietly but firmly refused such bullying and chose the chocolate herself. She was then escorted to her plane by the security forces, one of whom sat next to her for the duration of the flight. Mid-way through the flight, when dinner was being served, Aghazarian noticed that only she and a woman next to her had not received a meal. At this point, she cried out that the humiliation she had endured be stopped, that she was not a terrorist, that she was a human being, etc. The response of her security attendant was one of ridicule; he attempted to make it appear to the flight staff that Aghazarian was crazy.

Toward the end of his “Drum Major Instinct” sermon, King speaks about what it means to “hold on to one’s humanity.” It means that we are to be on the right side of the war question, clothe the naked, feed the hungry, love other human beings … and, as Aghazarian so beautifully exemplified, buy them chocolate despite everything.

- Anna Brown teaches political science and is the Director of the Social Justice program at Saint Peter's College, Jersey City, NJ. She is a member of the Kairos community, Witness Against Torture, and the Garden State-Los Amates (El Salvador) Sister Cities Program. (This article was contributed to the PalestineChronicle.com by the WagingNonViolence.org website, launched to cover nonviolent actions and campaigns around the world. Visit: http://wagingnonviolence.org.)

Gaza: o repórter que quer comprar novos equipamentos

fonte:EI



Audio: A reporter tries to buy new equipment in Gaza
Rami Almeghari writing from the occupied Gaza Strip, Live from Palestine, 24 June 2009

EI contributor Rami Almeghari conducts an interview with a man whose home was destroyed by Israel in the southern Gaza Strip, February 2009. (Matthew Cassel)

Exporting and importing goods in most countries around the world is usually a smooth process, but not in Gaza. For two years now, there have been complete restrictions on people and goods alike from entering or leaving Gaza, due to the ongoing Israeli siege.

Among those essential items that Israel is denying entry into the coastal territory, are raw materials for building and reconstruction, medical supplies, food products, electronics and many other items. The siege has made life for all Palestinians in Gaza, including myself, extremely difficult in every way. It has affected my work as a Gaza-based radio reporter and writer for international publications based outside Gaza. I am always in need of upgrading my reporting tools to make sure I can do my work.

For the past three years I have been a correspondent for the US-based Free Speech Radio News (FSRN). Until recently, I had been using a minidisc recorder that was sent to me from a friend in the West Bank before the total closure of Gaza began in 2007.

In late 2008, I needed to replace my old recording equipment that had poor sound quality and purchase a new audio recorder. Unfortunately, with the ongoing Israeli siege, this simple task of obtaining a new recorder was nearly impossible.

The following audio diary tells the story of my efforts to receive a new audio recorder from the US so that I could continue documenting the many untold stories of the people of Gaza.


Download [MP3 - 5.7 MB]



as curtas-metragens novas do cinema palestino

fonte:EI


New short films showcase breadth of Palestinian cinema
Maymanah Farhat, The Electronic Intifada, 24 June 2009

A scene from The View.

Of the 27 films featured in the 2009 Chicago Palestine Film Festival held last April, two exceptional shorts demonstrate the breadth of recent Palestinian cinema. Approaching the Israeli occupation from contrasting vantage points, Be Quiet(2006) and The View (2008) press viewers to imagine life under a system that dictates virtually every minute of one's being.

Sameh Zoabi's 19-minute film, Be Quiet takes the viewer across the Palestinian countryside through the generational gap between a father and son and the subsequent difficulties that arise when an already unstable relationship is met with the challenges of navigating life in Israel. The film revolves around the story of Mahmood, who although attempting to protect his son Ibrahim, is unable to hide the weighty details of his brother-in-law's death. This reality is then compounded by the complications they encounter when returning home from his funeral.

Shot in the tradition of Iranian filmmaker Abbas Kiarostami, who used the intimacy and confined space of an automobile to inform the interactions of his protagonists, the journey in Be Quiet is at once physical and philosophical. It is also highly political, as the film's characters must remain guarded and mindful of their every move. Tapping into the argumentative nature of a prepubescent boy and his father, Zoabi uses subtle, ironic humor to underscore the illogicality of Israeli policies, specifically those toward Palestinians living in Israel.

In one particularly poignant scene, Ibrahim asks his father why his grandfather has green license plates while theirs are yellow, to which his father explains that it is so people will distinguish between Israelis and Palestinians. Not seeing the rationale behind such preposterous logic, Ibrahim grows impatient as he exclaims, "I don't understand. We are Palestinians."

A scene from Be Quiet.
Unaware of the extent of these policies but thoroughly conscious of the inevitable humiliation and harassment of passing through an Israeli checkpoint, Ibrahim's innocence and defiance is heightened when his father is searched by Israeli soldiers. He continues to test his father with endless questions while resisting the simplest commands despite Mahmood's attempts to pacify him in the face of an unpredictable and taxing existence under occupation. As a means of survival, Mahmood must pass through Israeli society virtually unnoticed. Mistaking his father's deliberate and calm demeanor for meekness, Ibrahim begins to resent his actions. Here Zoabi points to the innocence of a child and his genuine refusal to give in to the absurdity of his surroundings. In Ibrahim we find honesty and rebellion. Mahmood symbolizes experience and patience. Ultimately, a seemingly simple trip is overshadowed by the lingering truth behind their familial loss and the heightened state of political affairs that engulfs their lives.

While Be Quiet unfolds amidst the incessant harassment and second-class treatment of Palestinians in Israel, Hazim Bitar and Rifqi Assaf's The View examines the social implications of the occupation through the eyes of an Israeli sniper. Shot entirely as though witnessed through the lens of rifle scope, the 16-minute short is both clever and impacting. The film's narrative is twofold, as we hear the exchanges of Israeli soldiers and observe the interactions of a Palestinian couple through the window of their apartment. While the sniper waits for his target, presumably a Palestinian fighter, he is drawn into the private life of a young woman who sits anxiously in front of the window. As the sniper watches he becomes mesmerized with her, lusting over the woman as he awaits to inform his superior of the position of his target, who eventually arrives.

The conversation between the sniper and his commander via walkie-talkie turns from the topic of assassination to love and the question of being romantically involved with a Palestinian. Just as the Israeli soldier has no qualms about spying on the couple, he fantasizes about a possible rendezvous with the female protagonist. With a nonchalant attitude toward killing and an arrogance that speaks of his position of power, the soldier is fixated on the woman as though her existence is easily upheld by his desire and gaze. Through his rifle scope, he longs to be the object of her affection, pining over the position of the male suspect. Although bored with the task of watching the resistance fighter, as he seems to pose no threat, the sniper is quickly jolted back into reality by a sudden turn in the narrative and his romantic fantasies are shattered.

Positioned as a look into the workings of occupation and the mindset of the occupier, The View provides an interesting take on how the execution of power can expose the manifestation of psychological needs. Setting the vantage point of the film through the lens of a rifle scope alludes to another element of the occupation -- the constant state of surveillance and violence under which Palestinians are forced to live.

The sniper's romantic interest thus becomes an extension of Israeli attempts to co-opt all things Palestinian, which stems from the purported need to not only conquer land but the very essence of a people and culture. Today we find this evident in everything from the marketing of "Israeli" falafel to the adopting of Palestinian slang in the Israeli lexicon.

More than a dozen shorts were included in this year's Chicago Palestine Film Festival, demonstrating a range of subjects. From a look at the establishment of the first micro-brewery in Palestine to a fictional account of a farmer and his family after the Palestinian revolt against the British Mandate ended in 1939, the festival's selection highlights the exciting range of films that are emerging from an unconventional yet vibrant cultural scene. Although strained by the circumstances of the occupation -- violent sieges, international embargoes, scarce resources and increasingly tighter restraints on mobility -- Palestinian cinema has managed to blossom into an internationally-recognized movement. Notwithstanding the important full-length features of Hany Abu Assad, Elia Suleiman and Rashid Masharawi, today's generation of filmmakers are using the short format to produce works that are building upon a wealth of post-Nakba (the 1948 dispossession of Palestine) visual culture. These films challenge and further the boundaries of aesthetics, creating a new language of storytelling that seeks to address the latest obstacles of the occupation and the changing face of Palestine.

Maymanah Farhat specializes in modern and contemporary Arab art. Her collected writings can be viewed online at http://maymanahfarhat.wordpress.com.

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